The same kind providence that causes rivers to flow near large towns, the moon and stars to shine at night, when their feeble light is of some use, sends snow only in the winter, when there is no hot sun to melt it, and performs other beneficent acts, is not always unmindful of the annalist’s needs. Thus, when the history of the last years of Spanish rule in New Mexico seemed likely to resemble the famous chapter on snakes in Ireland, not only was it put into the head of the United States government to send an explorer to this far-off province, and of the people to send a delegate to the cortes of Spain, but both explorer and delegate were inspired with the idea of writing a book, as the friar Benavides and the conqueror Villagrá had been in earlier times; and the result was a mass of information which goes far to make this chapter as long and as interesting as those that have preceded it.

For this, as for earlier periods, I do not deem it necessary to consider here the complications of military and civil government in the Provincias Internas of northern Mexico, a subject that is as fully treated as the meagre records permit in another work of this series. There was always a governor or acting governor in New Mexico, subordinate to the comandante general of the Provincias, a state of things which has led modern writers into some confusion, causing them to include some of the southern officials in their lists of governors, just as they brought several viceroys of New Spain to rule the province in earlier times. Governor Chacon ruled until the spring of 1805, when he was succeeded by Colonel Joaquin del Real Alencaster. The latter’s name does not appear after 1808, and Alberto Mainez is named as acting governor in 1807-8, and next in the list is Lieutenant-colonel José Manrique, ruling in 1810-14, perhaps ad interim for part of that period. Mainez ruled again in 1815-17, Pedro Maria de Allande in 1816-18, and Facundo Melgares—who as a lieutenant serving in Chihuahua had visited New Mexico before—in 1818-22. Melgares was the last governor under Spain, and was succeeded on July 5, 1822, by Francisco Javier Chavez as jefe político, ruling in 1822-3, though Antonio Vizcarra also held the office for a time in 1822.

Troubles with the Indians were much less serious and constant than in former years, the combined efforts of the frontier garrisons, with a consistent system of treaties and gifts, producing apparently excellent results. The Comanches, in particular, were friendly, being zealous in bringing information and rumors respecting the movements of Americans in the north-east, and even eager to aid Spain in crushing the insurgents under Hidalgo; and the other tribes were often in the same mood. The Navajos were hostile, however, in 1803-5, having intrenched themselves in the canon de Chelly—since famous for its ruined pueblos—where they deemed their position impregnable. Governor Chacon led several expeditions against them, as did Lieutenant Antonio Narbona after Alencaster’s accession, and in 1805 they were reduced to submission and friendship. In 1806 Lieutenant Melgares was sent up from Chihuahua with 100 dragoons to join a force of 500 militia in an expedition out into the north-eastern plains. This was not a campaign against the Indians, but a tour of exploration, undertaken with a view to conciliate the natives and to look out for American explorers and filibusters; for the intention of the United States to explore their newly acquired Louisiana territory had been announced, and there were also reports of Burr’s con­spiracy as likely to affect the Spanish frontier. Melgares went down the Red River, held a council with the Comanches, crossed northward to the Arkansas, made a visit to the Pawnee nation on the Kansas, distributing medals and flags, and thence perhaps went up the Arkansas to the mountains, returning to Santa Fé in October. He did not find any Americans, of whose doings in that region I shall have something to say presently.

Pino, in his report of 1812, declares the system of treaties and gifts as a feature of the new Indian policy to have been a grand success in every way. He also relates that in 1811 Jose Rafael Sarracino made an expedition to the Yuta country to investigate the truth of their reports respecting a Spanish people dwelling in the far north-west. In three months he reached a region where the natives had knives and other implements of European manufacture, obtained, as they said, from a people living beyond a great river, which Sarracino could not or did not cross. In 1818-19 the Navajos renewed their hostilities. It was reported in Mexico in January 1819, that Governor Melgares had in December forced them to sue for peace; but it appears that they had to be defeated twice more in February and March, and that the treaty was finally signed on August 21st. A notable feature of this affair is the fact that the Navajos, being hard pressed, settled near the Moqui towns, and the Moquis sent five of their number to ask aid from the Spaniards. This was deemed a most fortunate occurrence, opening the way to the submission of this nation after an apostasy of 139 years. It was resolved to take advantage of the opportunity, but of the practical result nothing is known, since this is the only mention of this remnant of a valiant and independent people that I have been able to find in the records of the period.

Under the decree of the ‘junta central de las Españas,’ dated February 14, 1810, New Mexico was entitled to a diputado in the Spanish cortes. Accordingly, on the 11th of August the alcaldes and leading men of the province—there being no ayuntamientos—assembled at Santa Fé, Governor Manrique presiding, to select a delegate. From the three candidates receiving the highest number of votes the delegate was chosen by lot, and the honor fell to Pedro Bautista Pino, an old and influential resident. Provided with instructions, not only from the junta that elected him, but from several prominent men, Don Pedro started on his mission in October 1811, being, as he believed, the first native-born New Mexican to visit Spain. He had to pay the expenses of his journey; but the patriotic people contributed $9,000 as a donativo to the cause of Fernando VII.

Of Pino’s labors in Spain we have no other record than his report of November 1812 to the cortes, published at Cadiz the same year, and 37 years later at Mexico. This report is by far the best source of in­formation respecting New Mexico for the period covered by this chapter, being a very complete description of the province, with its institutions, condition, and needs. Of course, much of its contents is only confirmatory of what appears from other original sources in earlier chapters, but the rest is utilized in different parts of this chapter. The author was an enthusiastic admirer of his country and its people, praising in high terms their purity of blood, their loyalty to Spain, and their bravery in defending their homes against the savage tribes. He exaggerated—and perhaps intentionally, as the best means of arousing the attention of the government—the danger of aggression from the Americans in union with the Indian tribes of the plains. The military defence of the country was naturally held out as the great object to be kept in view, and accordingly Pino demanded, not only a reorganization of the military service, including the payment of citizens doing duty as soldiers, but the founding of five new presidios, or rather the transfer to the north of frontier presidios no longer needed in the Provincias Internas. Other demands were for a separate bishopric, with a college and system of schools to be supported by the tithes; and for a civil and criminal audiencia at Chihuahua, that of Guadalajara being too distant for any practical benefit to New Mexico. Except that the establishment of a bishopric was ordered the next year, no special attention was paid to the delegate’s demands. Don Pedro Bautista came home and was reelected for 1820-1. The sum of $6,000 was sent to Mexico to pay his expenses, but on reaching Vera Cruz he could only obtain of this sum enough to pay for his journey to that point; and as his arrival in Spain would be late in any event, he decided to return home, “no obstante sus deseos de servir a la patria”.

All of the old Louisiana territory west of the Mis­sissippi, ceded by France to Spain in 1762-3 and returned to France in 1800, was finally ceded to the United States in 1803. From this date to 1819 the question of boundary between United States territory and Spanish possessions was an open one. Negotiations on the subject belong properly to the history of Texas, and are treated in another work of this series. Near the coast the line between Louisiana and Texas had by long occupation been practically settled for many years to the satisfaction of all but partisan theorists; but in the interior no boundary had ever been fixed or needed, and indeed, little was known geographically of that region. An equitable line would have been one from a point on Red River above the settlements extending north-westward to the Rocky Mountains at a long distance from the New Mexican outposts. By way of bluster, the Americans, without a shadow of right, sometimes claimed all to the Rio Grande, and the Spaniards, with but slightly better reasons, all to the Missouri; but the real ideas of the two nations did not differ materially. The Americans thought that Red River might rise in the mountains and flow south­eastward, so as to constitute in itself the proper boundary; the Spaniards of New Mexico in a sense regarded the Arkansas, or Napestle, as the practical limit of the territory explored by them in their Indian campaigns; and thus the territory that might plausibly be the subject of dispute was of slight extent and value, and would disappear when on exploration Red River should be found not to have its source in the mountains, but far south of the legitimate Spanish boundary. And indeed, in the final settlement of 1819, the Spanish proposition was accepted, and the Arkansas from the mountains down to longitude 23° became, and most equitably, the permanent dividing line.

Between Louisiana and New Mexico there had been no trade or habitual communication before 1800, though some slight efforts had been made to open such intercourse. From both directions, however, a flourishing trade with the Indians had grown up. In 1804 William Morrison of Kaskaskia, despatching the creole trader Baptiste Lalande up the Platte, instructed him to carry his goods to Santa Fé, with a view to test the commercial prospects in that direction. Obeying his instructions, Lalande succeeded in being arrested by the Spaniards and carried to the capital. The New Mexicans liked the goods, and Baptiste liked the country so well that he resolved to settle there, and even omitted the formality of accounting to Morrison for the consignment. In 1805 James Pursley, a Kentuckian who left St Louis three years before, after many adventures among the Indians, was sent by the latter to negotiate for Spanish trade, and after succeeding in this mission he also settled at Santa Fé, working as a carpenter.

Zebulon M. Pike, a lieutenant of the sixth United States infantry, after an exploration of the Upper Mississippi while Lewis and Clarke were engaged in their famous expedition to the far west, was sent with twenty-two men in 1806 to explore the country of the Red and Arkansas rivers, and to establish a good understanding with the Indians, especially with the Comanches. His mission was in many respects simi­lar to that of Melgares from the opposite direction, though his force was much less imposing. His preliminary and successful negotiations with the Osages, Pawnees, and other nations, from the start in July from the Missouri River at Belle Fontaine, have no special connection with the annals of New Mexico. In October he was on the Arkansas, where, as before reaching that stream, he found frequent traces of the Spaniards’ recent visit. At the end of the month Lieutenant Wilkinson, with a part of the men, embarked in boats on the river to follow it down to the Missouri junction; while Pike, with the rest of the party, started up the river for the mountains, intending, according to his instructions, to return by the Red River to Natchitoches.

Pike had no serious troubles with the Indians; neither did he accomplish anything in his mission of conciliating their good-will. Late in November he was at the base of the lofty peak which has since borne his name. Then followed two months of winter wanderings in the snows and mountains and parks of what is now Colorado, marked by the most terrible sufferings from cold and hunger. The only wonder is that all did not perish. Crossing the range in the vicinity of the modern Leadville, Pike thought himself on the Red River; but after a perilous descent though the canon, found himself back at his old camp on the Arkansas. Again he struggled on, over another series of ranges, and at the end of January 1807 succeeded with part of his companions—the rest being left behind with frozen feet—on reaching another large river, which must, he thought, be the Red at last. His plan was to descend the stream in boats or rafts to Natchitoches; therefore he sought a suitable spot for a fortified camp, where the necessary preparations might be made, and to which the rest of the party might be brought, as a few of them soon were. I give a copy of the western portion of Pike’s map, showing his route in Colorado and New Mexico.

The lieutenant’s instructions required him to be very cautious as he approached the Spanish frontier. His idea of the boundary, however, seems to have been peculiar, for he built his fort, not on the eastern or American side of his Red River, but five miles up a western branch! Here he raised the stars and stripes. He desired to extend his exploration into Spanish territory, or at least to learn the geographic relation of his fort to Santa Fé; and he had a pretext ready, for he had brought William Morrison’s bill against Lalande, and with this document Dr Robinson started alone on February 7th for the city of Holy Faith. Ten days later a Spanish dragoon and an Indian made their appearance, regarded by Pike as spies, who said they had come from Santa Fé in four days, and that Robinson had arrived in safety; learned the location of the fort, and Pike’s intention to descend the river to Natchitoches; and departed. Another ten days passed, and then came a force of 50 dragoons and 50 militia under lieutenants called in the narrative Ignacio Saltelo and Bartolomé Fernández. Now Pike was informed that he was not on Red River, but on the Rio del Norte, his camp being on the Conejos just above the junction; whereupon he at once lowered his flag, for he could but admit—especially in the presence of 100 soldiers—that the Spaniards might have some legitimate claim to territory occupied by them for over two centuries. The Spaniards were most courteous and kind, supplying the half-starved and half-naked explorers with food and blankets; but the officers presently admitted, what Pike had supposed from the first, that the Americans must go to Santa Fé. Accordingly, they started on the 27th, part of the Spanish force remaining behind to bring in the eight explorers who had not yet reached the fort.

 

PIKE'S EXPEDITION, 1806-7.

 

 

The route from the Conejos was across to the Chama and down that stream past Ojo Caliente and San Juan. The people were uniformly kind and hospitable in their treatment of the strangers, though their nondescript and ragged apparel, consisting of overalls, breech-cloths, and leather coats, without covering for the head, prompted the inquiry if the Americans were a tribe living in houses or wearing hats. Baptiste Lalande and another Frenchman tried to gain Pike’s confidence, but were regarded by him as spies. Solomon Colly, one of the Nolan party, was living in New Mexico, and served as interpreter. The arrival at Santa Fé was on the 3d of March, and the adventurers were questioned by Governor Alencaster, whose conduct was courteous and dignified, but who said that Pike and his men must appear before General Salcedo at Chihuahua. Pike denied that Dr. Robinson was a member of his party; attempted by a ruse to prevent the examination of his papers, deeming himself sadly ‘deceived’ when the governor shrewdly prevented the success of his trick; and occasionally deemed it his duty as a free-born American to be suspicious, independent, and disagreeable to the verge of insolence. It was never quite clear to any of Anglo-Saxon blood that a Spanish official might rightfully interfere with his personal freedom to do as he pleased. Yet Pike frankly admits the kindness with which he was treated, and says much in praise of the Spaniards in New Mexico. As men, he and his party were well treated; as Americans, they must needs have a grievance. Though assured he was not a prisoner, Pike insisted on receiving a certificate that he was obliged to go to Chihuahua.

They left the capital on March 4th, after a dinner given by the governor in their honor, Alencaster taking Pike in his coach drawn by six mules for three miles. Captain Autonio Almansa commanded the escort, and the route was by way of Santo Domingo and Albuquerque to a point below Isleta, where Lieutenant Facundo Melgares, returning southward with his dragoons, took charge of the party. For Almansa and Melgares Pike has nothing but words of praise. Starting on March 11th, they reached El Paso on the 21st and Chihuahua on April 2d. Here General Salcedo treated them much as Governor Alencaster had done, but insisted on retaining Pike’s papers. The Americans were finally sent home through Coahuila and Texas under an escort, leaving Chihuahua at the end of April, and reaching Natchitoches in July. Pike’s book was published in 1810; he was promoted to brigadier-general, and lost his life at the taking of Toronto in 1813. His narrative was interesting, and at the time of its publication of much value. Naturally, it adds but little if anything to information derived from Pino and the archive records, yet I shall have occasion to cite it on several points.

Moved by Pike’s account of the New Mexican country, and entertaining an idea, perhaps, that Hidalgo’s revolution had removed the old restrictions on trade, Robert McKnight, with a party of nine or ten, crossed the plains in 1812, and reached Santa Fé. The result was that their goods were confiscated, and they were arrested, being held in Chihuahua and Durango as prisoners until 1822, when they were released by Iturbide’s order. Efforts had been made in 1817 in their behalf, at the intercession of John Scott, the Missouri congressman, by Secretary Adams, through the Spanish minister Onis; but though the latter wrote on the subject both to king and viceroy nothing could be effected.

In 1815 Auguste P. Choteau and Julius de Mun formed a partnership, and went with a large party to the upper Arkansas to hunt and trade with the Indians. They claim to have confined their operations to American territory, which was perhaps somewhat elastic in their eyes; at any rate, we have only their version. Visiting Taos and Santa Fé in 1816 they were most favorably received by Governor Mainez, a very polite old gentleman, who said there would be no objection to their trapping and trading east of the mountain, and north of Red River. He even thought he might get from the general for them a license to hunt beaver on the branches of the Rio Grande. Retiring to the north to await the desired permission, they were often visited by parties from the settlements, who came to trade. But early in 1817, after Governor Allande’s accession, there was a decided change of Spanish policy. A force of 200 men under Lieutenant Francisco Salazar, marched out to search for an American fort, said to exist on the Río de las Animas, with cannon and 20,000 men! This fort was not found, but in June Sergeant Mariano Bernal was sent out to arrest the Americans, and not only did he bring in Choteau, De Mun, and 24 men as prisoners, but opened their caches on the upper Arkansas, and took goods to the value of $30,380.74. At Santa Fe the prisoners were tried by court-martial, kept for 48 hours in jail, and then dismissed without their property. In September they were back at St Louis appealing to congress for relief. In 1825-6 their claim for $50,000 damages was still being urged; and in 1836 the committee of foreign relations reported “that the demand ought to be made and pressed with an earnestness proportionate to the magnitude of the injury and the unreasonable delay which has arisen in making satisfaction for it”. Ex parte testimony in such claims for damages must of course be taken with due allowances.

With the independence of 1821-2 the Santa Fé trade proper—legitimate but for some liberties taken with Mexican custom-house regulations, and unobstructed except by difficulties and dangers of the journey across the plains—may be said to have begun; and it will be a prominent topic of later annals. Captains Glenn, Becknell, and Stephen Cooper were the men who in 1821-2 visited Santa Fé with small parties, making large profits on the limited quantities of goods they succeeded in bringing to market, and laying the foundations of future success. About these earliest trips we have but little information, except that the traders, uncertain as to the best route, endured terrible sufferings from thirst. Becknell made two trips. Major Cooper still lives in California, as I write in 1886; and from Joel P. Walker, one of his companions, I have an original narrative of their adventures.

The general subject of early exploration, hunting and trapping, and Indian trade and warfare, in the great interior, though one that is closely connected with the history of each of these Pacific States, cannot, of course, be fully treated in any one of my volumes. In each I note those expeditions that directly concern its territory, and refer the reader to the annals of other territories, as given in different volumes of this series. Some chapters on Colorado and the regions farther north will be found useful in connection with New Mexican history; and matter that is especially interesting may be found in my volumes on the North­west Coast.

During these 22 years the population of gente de razón may be said to have increased from 19,000 to 30,000 in New Mexico proper, excluding the El Paso district; while the number of pueblo Indians remained practically unchanged, between 9,500 and 10,000. Official reports establish these figures with tolerable accuracy, but afford no satisfactory basis for more detailed classification. The capital villa of Santa Fé reached, perhaps, a population of 6,000 in its immediate vicinity; but on account of the meagre records, frequent discrepancies, and irregular grouping of the settlements in partidos, local items of population have little significance. In number, location, and in all respects except an increase of Spanish population at certain points, the settlements remained as before, and I refer to the final note of the preceding chapter.

Commercial methods continued as before. Presumably, fairs were still held at Taos for trade with the Indians, though I find no direct indication of the fact in this period; each autumn the great caravan departed for the south; at El Paso, to a greater extent than before, the company was divided, small parties seeking different markets; and large flocks of sheep were now driven from the province. In 1805 the viceroy decreed that all goods bartered by New Mexicans at the annual fair in San Bartolomé valley from the 18th to the 23d of December should be free from the payment of taxes or duties. Down to about 1798 no coin was known, but later the salaries of officers and soldiers were paid in money, furnishing a supply by no means adequate to provincial needs. The government estanco on tobacco, powder, and playing-cards, especially the first, was a great burden for the people. The total value of imports, as given by Pino from an official report of the Vera Cruz consulado in 1804, was $112,000 in a year; while the exports, chiefly wool, wine, and peltries, were only $60,000, leaving a balance of trade of $52,000 against New Mexico. Exports might easily be tripled, as Pino thought, by proper encouragement, including the opening of ports on the Texas and Sonora coasts.

There were no new developments in agricultural industries. Products in New Mexico proper were wholly consumed at home, and irrigation generally protected the inhabitants against drought, as in 1803 and 1820-2; and the Indians, as far as possible, tried to follow their old custom of storing the products of plentiful harvests, though the improvident settlers were sometimes caught napping and suffered from scarcity. All reports praise the agricultural, and especially the stock-raising, advantages of the province, under proper encouragement. Spanish artisans included a few carpenters and blacksmiths, but nearly all mechanical and other work was done by the Indians, who still made pottery for home use, tanned leather, from which bridles were made, and wove large quantities of coarse blankets. They also made some progress in weaving cotton textures of low grade under an instructor from Mexico. Governor Chacon, in 1803, says that copper is abundant, and apparently rich, but no mines are worked, though there is much coal of good quality. Pino, in 1812, also notes the existence of rich deposits of copper, gold, and silver, of which no use is made; but Pike, in 1807, states that a copper mine west of the river, in latitude 34°, yields 20,000 mule-loads of metal annually, while vessels of wrought copper were among the country’s exports. Bartlett tells us that the Santa Rita mine—really just below 33°—was worked from 1804; and Prince gives more details, to the effect that the mine was discovered in 1800 by Lieutenant-colonel Carrisco, who sold it in 1804 to Francisco Manuel Elguea of Chihuahua, by whom work was at once begun, 100 mules being constantly employed to transport the metal to Mexico for use in the mint. I think there is room for some doubt as to the early working of this nine, though a beginning was probably made before 1822. Pino says that old silver mines were found closed up, with the tools inside, and doubtless the prospect-holes made by the Spaniards before 1680 were thus found occasionally; but there is little or nothing to show that any practical mining was ever done in New Mexico under Spanish rule. Stone was not used for building, but only adobes; yet a semi­transparent yeso, or gypsum, was quarried near Santa Fé and used for window-panes. Pike calls it a flexible talc. Pino tells us that roads in the province were good, but he did not allude to artificial improvements.

There were no colleges or public schools, and no professional man—except of the military profession—or priest had been produced in New Mexico. There were a few private teachers in the larger towns, and at El Paso from 1806-7 a school seems to have been maintained. The only medical man in the country was the presidial surgeon at Santa Fé. Of social manners and customs we have nothing pertaining especially to this period, except the somewhat superficial observations of Pike. He represents the New Mexicans, however, as brave, industrious, and above all hospitable, but somewhat loose in their ideas of morality, implying that on this point he could say much more than would be in good taste, considering the kindness with which he had been treated. In most social respects this province closely resembled California, where the condition of affairs is well known to readers of other volumes in this series.

The government and administration of justice were still essentially military, as they had always been, the governor being also military chief. There were no ayuntamientos or other municipal bodies, no courts, no taxes, no treasuries or municipal funds. Each of the eight alcaldes attended to all local matters in his own alcaldía, being responsible to the governor, from whose decision the only appeal was to the audiencia of Guadalajara. An audiencia at Chihuahua was deemed an urgent necessity. The governor, with a salary of $4,000, had no legal adviser or notary, but was aided by two lieutenants and two alfereces. The alcaldes were vecinos, who got no pay. A lieutenant of the governor in his military capacity ruled at El Paso for a salary of $2,000.

The regular military force supported by the royal treasury was 121 men, forming the presidial or veteran company of Santa Fé. But Pino states that an average force of 1,500 men had been required to defend the province, which the settlers had furnished without pay, and even armed and equipped at their own cost, thus saving the king $43,090,000 in the past 118 years. There was probably a degree of exaggeration in this, but the deputy complained, with reason, that this system was an intolerable burden, urging that New Mexico should be put in this respect on the same basis as other provinces; that the militia should be properly organized, paid, and armed; and that five presidios should be established or transferred from the south. In January 1813 Pino urged this part of his scheme anew in the cortes; it was referred to the comisión ultra marina; and in May some kind of an order had been issued by the regency to the viceroy, probably one to investigate and report. A year later Don Simón Elias, being called upon for his opinion, reported against the transfer of the southern presidios to New Mexico, but favored the establishment of two new ones on the Río Grande between Sevilleta and El Paso. So nothing was done. At this time the presidio of Carrizal, formerly at El Paso, was no longer considered as belonging to New Mexico.

We have seen that the number of christianized pueblo Indians neither increased nor diminished perceptibly in these 22 years; nor were there any changes in the system of mission management. There were from 19 to 22 Franciscan friars in charge of the missions; but they lived chiefly at the places having a large Spanish population. Pino states that in 1811 in 19 purely Indian pueblos there were but five missionaries. There was one secular priest at Santa Fé, and there, as at Albuquerque and Santa Cruz, the friars were supported by fees; the rest by their sinodos of $330 from the royal treasury. On one phase of the earlier controversy—complaints of the padres against the governor and alcaldes for ill-treating the Indians—I find nothing new, though there is little reason to suppose that any practical reform had been effected. Lieutenant Pike found the natives virtually slaves, and cruelly treated by the Spanish officers. On the other hand, the friars’ shortcomings were still a current topic of dispute. In consequence of a petition from the natives, the exact purport of which is unknown to me, Protector-general Andrade at Guadalajara in 1810 appointed Felipe Sandoval ‘protector partidario’ of the New Mexican Indians. Sandoval in his report stated that the padres were content with simply saying mass, and the neophytes were in reality deprived of spiritual instruction. This brought out a reprimand from the bishop of Durango; and the vice-custodio, Padre Sebastian Alvarez, called upon the friars for a defence in 1818. They indignantly denied the truth of the charges, declaring that the ‘protector’ was not only influenced by evil motives but was a thief. No bishop visited the province after 1760, and therefore there were no confirmations. Delegate Pino, a New Mexican 50 years of age, had never seen a bishop until he came to Spain in 1812. He urgently demanded the erection of his province into a separate bishopric, and the carrying-out of the royal order and papal bull of 1777-9 in favor of a college. His idea was that the tithes, yielding $9-10,000, as disadvantageous rented, were ample to pay the episcopal salary and all other necessary expenses; besides, the sinodos of six missions might justly be added, since the fees at Belen, Isleta, Abiquiú, Santa Clara, San Juan, and Taos would suffice for the friars’ support. Accordingly, on January 26, 1813, the erection of a bishopric and establishment of the college were decreed by the cortes; and some supplementary instructions were issued in May; but practically nothing was done under Spanish rule.

It is to be regretted that nothing is known of political events and sentiments in New Mexico during the war of independence in 1811-21. There is no indication that the great national struggle sent even a ripple of excitement to the northern interior; and we may reasonably conclude that officials and people here, as in California, were content to await the issue, in which they took but slight interest, and of which in its details they were to a great extent kept in ignorance. In New Mexico, the element of private correspondence, so important an aid in tracing the annals of this period in California, is entirely lacking in, the records within my reach. We have seen that in 1822 Governor Melgares was succeeded by Chavez, and also that Vizcarra ruled for a time in the same year. Besides this brief record, we have one important document of 1821, which shows how news of Iturbide’s accession was received, and which may indicate that New Mexicans were not behind Californians in the versatility displayed in accepting the successive changes of government, with prodigious and suddenly acquired enthusiasm for each.

It was on September 11th that the ‘dulce voz de libertad’ was first heard, and lovers of the country and religion swore to the independence at Santa Fé; and on December 26th—¡día glorioso! ¡Día de admiracion, y día tan eterno para los Nuevos Méxicos, que de padres a hijos se irá trasmitiendo hasta la más remota posteridad!—came news of Iturbide’s entry into Mexico. Dozens of citizens received communications in writing and print by the mail of that day, which they read aloud to the crowd at the post-office, the governor reading a patriotic address from the city of Tepic, with a poetic effusion of that ‘liberalísimo europeo’ Don Pedro Negrete, on listening to which all, from the ‘tierno parvulito’ to the ‘trémulo anciano’, were beside themselves with joy, and filled the air with vivas, as Melgares shouted, “New Mexicans, this is the occasion for showing the heroic patriotism that inflames you; let your sentiments of liberty and gratitude be published abroad, and let us show tyrants that although we live at the very extremity of North America we love the holy religion of our fathers; that we cherish and protect the desired union between Spaniards of both hemispheres; and that, with our last drop of blood, we will sustain the sacred independence of the Mexican empire!”. The 6th of January, 1822, was set apart for a formal celebration, which should, if possible, excel that of Tepic. At dawn the salutes of artillery and the marching of processions began; and with dawn of the next day, ended the grand baile at the palacio. Never did Santa Fé behold such a splendid display. The independientísimo postmaster, Juan Bautista Vigil, excelled himself in painting decorations; the excesivo independiente alcalde, Pedro Armendaris, led a triumphant paseo; and a grand loa de las tres garantias was performed, by Alférez Santiago Abreu representing independence, Curate and Vicar Juan Tomás Terrazas religion, and Chaplain Francisco Osio the union. All through the day and night the villa was painted red with independence or death, and Governor Melgares wrote a flaming account of the whole affair for the Gaceta Imperial. Doubtless Don Facundo, realizing the side on which his bread was buttered, saw to it that nothing was lost in telling the story; and presumably the fall of Iturbide a little later was celebrated with equal enthusiasm. There was nothing mean or one-sided in New Mexican patriotism.