LOUIS XI "the Spider King" (1461-1483)
Louis XI, King of France from 1461-83, the son of Charles VII and Mary of Anjou, a member of the House of Valois, grandson of Charles VI and Isabeau of Bavaria, was born at Bourges, 1423, when the English held northern France and his father Charles the Dauphin was restricted to the centre and south. Louis was the grandson of the strong-willed Yolande of Aragon, the princess who was the driving force in saving France from the English. Louis despised his father, regarding him as a weakling. His marriage on 24 June 1436 to Margaret of Scotland, daughter of James I, King of Scots, was forced upon him and did not help their relationship. In 1440 Louis
was part of the uprising known as the Praguerie.
The Praguerie was a revolt of the French
nobility against King Charles VII in 1440. It was so named because
a similar rising had recently taken place in Prague, Bohemia, at that
time closely associated with France through the House of Luxembourg,
kings of Bohemia, and it was caused by the reforms of Charles VII
at the close of the Hundred Years' War, by which he sought to lessen
the anarchy in France. The attempt to reduce the brigand-soldiery,
and especially the ordinances passed by the estates of langue d'oïl
at Orléans in 1439, which not only gave
the king an aid of 100,000 francs (an act which was later used by
the king as though it were a perpetual grant and so freed him from
that parliamentary control of the purse so important in England),
but demanded as well royal nominations to officerships
in the army, marked a gain in the royal prerogative which the nobility
resolved to challenge. The main instigator
was Charles I, Duke of Bourbon, who three years before had attempted
a similar rising, and had been forced to ask pardon of the king. He
and his bastard brother, Alexander, were joined by the former favourite,
Georges de la Tremoille, John VI, duke
of Brittany, who allied himself with the English, the duke of Alençon,
the count of Vendôme, and captains of mercenaries like Rodrigo de
Villandrando, Antoine de Chabannes,
or Jean de la Roche. The duke of Bourbon gained over to their side
the dauphin Louis,—afterwards Louis XI, then sixteen years old, and
proposed to set aside the king in his favor, making him regent. Louis was readily
induced to rebel; but the country was saved from a serious civil war
by the energy of the king’s officers and the solid loyalty of his
“good cities”. The constable de Richemont
marched with the king's troops into Poitou, his old battleground with
de la Tremoille, and in two months he
had subdued the country. The royal artillery battered down the feudal
strongholds. The dauphin and the duke of Alençon failed to bring about
any sympathetic rising in Auvergne, and the Praguerie
was over, except for some final pillaging and plundering in Saintonge
and Poitou, which the royal army failed to prevent. Charles then
attempted to ensure the loyalty of the duke of Bourbon by the gift
of a large pension, forgave all the rebellious gentry, and installed
his son in Dauphiné. But Louis kept soldiering.
In 1443 the seven cantons of the Old Swiss Confederacy invaded the
canton of Zürich and besieged the city. Zürich had made an alliance
with Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, who now appealed to Charles
VII of France to send an army to relieve the siege. Charles, seeking
to send away troublesome troops made idle by the truce with Henry
VI of England in the Hundred Years' War, sent Louis with an army of
about 20,000 mercenaries into Switzerland, most Armagnac mercenaries
who were found wandering abut the country since the Treaty of Arras
was signed. They were halted at Basel by a small force of 1,500 Swiss
pikemen from Berne, but instead took
the defensive and let the Swiss forces take the offensive and cross
a local stream. It would be the first engagement in which the Swiss
troops primarily used pikes rather than halberds, as in the battle
of Morgarten and Sempach.
The commander
of the 1,500 knew well that the crossing of the stream would be suicidal,
but under complaints of the fellow pikemen
the commander was forced to cross the stream. Immediately the Swiss
forces formed three pike squares of five hundred men each, and they
fought well when Armagnac cavalry charged again and again and were
repulsed. However the fighting lasted around five hours, and all three
pike squares were weakening, so the commander ordered his men to retreat
into a small hospital in St. Jakob. A
reinforcement force from Basel was repulsed, and the Armagnac troops
set their own artillery into bombarding the small hospital. The Swiss
pikemen suffered heavy casualties. When
the Armagnac forces moved in, the Swiss fought to the last men in
a fierce hand-to-hand battle that would last just under half an hour.
It was a major
blow to Berne, the canton which contributed the force, but the French
forces suffered around four thousand death, and were forced to retreat.
The bravery of the Swiss pikemen at St.
Jakob an der Birs
was remembered, but this battle also showed the weakness of Swiss
pikemen to artillery fire; more Swiss
pikemen were killed by artillery fire
than in the battle or the final engagement. Louis still loathed Charles, however, and on 27 September 1446 he was ordered out of court and sent to his own province of Dauphiné, where he was to establish order. Despite frequent summons by the King, the two would never meet again. In Dauphiné, Louis ruled as King in all but name, continuing his intrigues against his father. In
the Dauphiné, Louis showed his great
capacities of statesman; he was the first dauphin to settle there
and to really assume the government of it. As of his arrival, the
future king joins together the general states. He simplified the administration,
founded a university with Valence in 1452, encouraged agriculture
and the trade by various tax measures. In parallel, it invited the
foreign craftsmen to settle in the Dauphiné,
subjected the industrial barons to its authority, named for the various
benefits its close relations and combined, sometimes against the candidates
of its father, and organized an army. These innovations, which were
taken again later at the level of the kingdom, caused already multiple
praises. Louis
showed his independence marrying, against the opinion of this father,
Charlotte of Savoy, then twelve years old, initially by procuration
on April 2nd, 1450, in Grenoble; the ceremony was celebrated on March
9th, 1451 in Chambéry; the envoy of the
king was able there too late to prevent it. Louis thus reinforced
alliance with his neighbor, a duke with inclinations of independence
which displeased in Charles VII. The king, furious of the disobedience
of his son, removed his pension to him, cut it his allies and threatened
him. Finally in
August 1456, Charles sent an army toDauphiné. Louis fled to Burgundy
where he was granted refuge by Duke Philip the Good and his son Charles
the Bold and settled in the castle of Genappe.
King Charles was furious when Philip refused to hand over Louis; he
knew the man and warned that the Duke was “giving shelter to a fox
who will eat his chickens”. In 1461 Louis
learned that his father was dying. He thus hurried to Reims to be
crowned in case his brother, Charles, Duke of Berry, beat him to it.
CHARLES DE VALOIS (26 December 1446
– 24 May 1472) Son of Charles
VII and Marie of Anjou, Charles spent most of his life plotting against
his brother Louis. Charles was born at Tours, last child and fourth
son of Charles VII and Marie of Anjou. In 1461, Louis XI granted Charles
the Duchy of Berry as an appanage. Charles
was dissatisfied with this compensation, and joined with Charles the
Bold in the League of the Public Weal, provoking the Guerre folle (Mad War, 1465). The League
was an alliance of feudal nobles organized in defiance of the centralized
authority of Louis XI. It was masterminded by Charles the Bold, Count
of Charolais, son of the Duke of Burgundy,
with the king's brother Charles, Duke of Berry, as a figurehead. The
League’s members included: both Charles, plus:
Francis II, Duke of Brittany; John II, Duke of Alençon; John
II, Duke of Bourbon; John II, Duke of Lorraine; Jacques d'Armagnac,
Duke of Nemours; John V, Count of Armagnac; Louis de Luxembourg, Count
of Saint Pol; Charles II, Count of Albret;
John, Count of Dunois, the illegitimate brother of the Duke of Orleans;
Antoine de Chabannes; Frederick I, Elector
Palatine; John I, Duke of Cleves…
And the main reason was that in keeping with the policies of
previous Capetian and Valois monarchs,
Louis asserted the supremacy of the king within the territory of France.
Over the course of the preceding centuries, and during the Hundred
Years' War, the French kings effected an administrative unification
of the country. Unlike Germany, which languished as a miscellany of
feudal factions, France emerged from the Middle Ages as a centralized
state, which centralization was opposed by those nobles who sought
to restore their feudal prerogatives. Charles the
Bold, as heir to the duke of Burgundy, whose fiefs in France included
Flanders, and who held the Imperial lands of Holland and Brabant,
aspired to forge a kingdom of his own between France and Germany,
approximating the former domains of the Frankish Emperor Lothair I.
The lesser
nobility, the bourgeoisie, and the lower classes supported Louis,
who also allied with the citizens of Liège, a Burgundian
protectorate, against Charles the Bold. The war ended in October,
with the Treaty of Conflans (or the Peace of Conflans) signed on October
1465 between the King and Charles the Bold. This treaty was signed
months after the Battle of Montlhéry
(July 13, 1465) where the French dukes of Alençon, Burgundy, Berri,
Bourbon, and Lorraine defeated King Louis' forces. Based on the terms
of the treaty, Normandy was restored to Charles de Valois, Duke of
Berri, but he proved unable to control
his new possession, and coming into conflict with his former ally
Francis II of Brittany, Louis dispatched the royal army to Normandy,
dispossessing Charles, who, now reconciled with Duke Francis, fled
to Brittany. In
1467 a new coalition against the king was formed by Charles the Bold,
now duke of Burgundy, with Francis II; Charles also obtained the support
of King Edward IV of England. When the duke of Brittany invaded Normandy,
Louis arranged a truce with him. In 1468, at the expiration of the
truce with Brittany, he subdued Normandy and forced Francis II to
sign the Peace of Ancenis (1468). Having
visited Péronne for an interview with
Charles the Bold, Louis was made (1468) prisoner and forced to sign
a treaty granting important concessions and compelling him to participate
in suppressing the revolt of Liège, which he had helped instigate. While imprisoned Louis
agreed to grant Champagne to his brother as compensation for Normandy,
a promise which he lost no time in breaking after his release.
However, the
brothers were reconciled in April 1469, and Charles was granted the
Duchy of Guyenne as compensation. At the same time, the betrothal
of Charles to Mary of Burgundy, Charles of Burgundy's only child and
heir to the duchy, was announced, but Louis had no intention of allowing
such a marriage to take place. He dispatched envoys to Pope Paul II
to ensure that the necessary dispensation, required on grounds of
consanguinity, was not granted. The Pope nonetheless granted the dispensation,
but the marriage plan still came to nothing. Charles, however,
died at Bordeaux in May 1472 before any marriage could take place,
probably from a combination of tuberculosis and a venereal disease
contracted from his mistress, Colette de Chambes
(who, legend has it, had been fed poisoned fish by her aged but jealous
husband, Louis d'Amboise, viscount of Thouars).
Charles left no legitimate issue and his lands returned to the crown.
His daughter by the viscountess, Anne
batarde de Valois, died childless not
long after her marriage in 1490 to François de Volvire,
Baron of Russec.
GOD SAVE THE KING! Louis
XI was thirty-eight years old, and had been living for five years
in voluntary exile at the castle of Genappe,
in Hainault, beyond the dominions of the king his father, and within
those of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, when, on the 23d of July,
1461, the day after Charles VII's death, he learned that he was King
of France. He started at once to return to his own country, and take
possession of his kingdom. He arrived at Rheims on the 14th of August,
was solemnly crowned there on the 18th, in presence of the two courts
of France and Burgundy, and on the 30th made his entry into Paris,
within which he had not set foot for six and twenty years. In 1482,
twenty-one years afterwards, he, sick and almost dying in his turn
at his castle of Plessis-les-Tours, went, nevertheless, to Amboise,
where his son the dauphin, who was about to become Charles
VIII, and whom he had not seen for several years, was living. “I
do expressly enjoin upon you”, said the father to the son, “as my
last counsel and my last instructions, not to change a single one
of the chief officers of the crown. When my father King Charles VII,
went to God, and I myself came to the throne, I disappointed all the
good and notable knights of the kingdom who had aided and served my
said father in conquering Normandy and Guienne,
in driving the English out of the kingdom, and in restoring it to
peace and good order, for so I found it, and right rich also. Therefrom
much mischief came to me, for thence I had the war called the Common
Weal, which all but cost me my crown”. With the experience and paternal
care of an old man, whom the near prospect of death rendered perfectly
disinterested, wholly selfish as his own life had been, Louis's heart
was bent upon saving his son from the first error which he himself
had committed on mounting the throne. “Gentlemen”,
said Dunois on rising from table at the funeral-banquet held at the
abbey of St. Denis in honor of the obsequies of King Charles VII,
“we have lost our master; let each look after himself”. The old warrior
foresaw that the new reign would not be like that which had just ended.
Charles
VII had been a prince of indolent disposition, more inclined to pleasure
than ambition, whom the long and severe trials of his life had molded
to government without his having any passion for governing, and who
had become in a quiet way a wise and powerful king, without any eager
desire to be incessantly and everywhere chief actor and master. His
son Louis, on the contrary, was completely possessed with a craving
for doing, talking, agitating, domineering, and reaching, no matter
by what means, the different and manifold ends he proposed to himself.
Anything but prepossessing in appearance, supported on long and thin
shanks, vulgar in looks and often designedly ill-dressed, and undignified
in his manners though haughty in mind, he was powerful by the sheer
force of a mind marvelously lively, subtle, unerring, ready, and inventive,
and of a character indefatigably active, and pursuing success as a
passion without any scruple or embarrassment in the employment of
means. His contemporaries, after observing his reign for some time,
gave him the name of the universal spider, so relentlessly did he
labor to weave a web of which he himself occupied the centre and extended
the filaments in all directions. As
soon as he was king, he indulged himself with that first piece of
vindictive satisfaction of which he was in his last moments obliged
to acknowledge the mistake. At Rheims, at the time of his coronation,
the aged and judicious Duke Philip of Burgundy had begged him to forgive
all those who had offended him. Louis promised to do so, with the
exception, however, of seven persons whom he did not name. They were
the most faithful and most able advisers of the king his father, those
who had best served Charles VII even in his embroilments with the
dauphin, his conspiring and rebellious son, viz., Anthony de
Chabannes, Count of Dampmartin,
Peter de Breze, Andrew de Laval, Juvenal
des Ursins, &c. Some lost their places,
and were even, for a while, subjected to persecution; the others,
remaining still at court, received there many marks of the king's
disfavor. On the other hand, Louis made a show of treating graciously
the men who had most incurred and deserved disgrace at his father's
hands, notably the Duke of Alençon and the Count of Armagnac. Nor
was it only in respect of persons that he departed from paternal tradition;
he rejected it openly in the case of one of the most important acts
of Charles VII's reign, the Pragmatic Sanction, issued by that prince
at Bourses, in 1438, touching the internal regulations of the Church
of France and its relations towards the papacy. THE
PRAGMATIC SANCTION The
Council of Basle (1431-7) had issued many useful decrees concerning
reform, but finally came into conflict with Eugenius IV and was suspended
by him. Both parties, pope and council, now sought the support of
the secular powers. It was to the interest of these to prevent a new
schism and not to permit the complete failure of the reforms of Basle.
The position of France in regard to these questions was to be discussed
at a national council that King Charles VII commanded to meet at Bourges
in May, 1438. This council declared itself neutral in the dispute
between the pope and the synod, but accepted the greater part of the
Basle decrees on reform, modifying some on account of the special
conditions in France; these changes were made with the expectation
that the council would ratify the modifications. On 7 July, 1438,
the king issued a decree, the Pragmatic Sanction, in which he accepted
the decisions and ordered the observance of them. Essentially it contains
the tenets of the supremacy of an ecumenical council over the pope,
of the regular holding of general councils, and of the limitation
of papal reservations and demands of tribute. The suppression of annates
by the Council of Basle was added, but with the modification that
a fifth of the former tax was conceded to the papal see. By
this edict the French king issued a law of the secular legislative
authority in purely ecclesiastical affairs. The recognition of the
authority of the Council of Basle was only formal, for the validity
of its decisions in France rested solely upon the edict of the king.
As the law was recorded in the Parliaments these, especially the Parliament
of Paris, received the right of interfering in the internal affairs
of the Church. In addition, no attention had been paid to the pope,
consequently every effort was made at Rome to have the law set aside.
Pius II (1458-64) declared it an infringement of the rights of the
papal see, and called upon the French bishops to aid in its suppression.
Charles VII appealed against this to a general council. The
popes, and especially Pius II, Louis XI’s contemporary, had constantly
and vigorously protested against that act. Barely four months after
his accession, on the 27th of November, 1461, Louis, in order to gain
favor with the pope, abrogated the Pragmatic Sanction, and informed
the pope of the fact in a letter full of devotion. There was great
joy at Rome, and the pope replied to the king's letter in the strongest
terms of gratitude and commendation. But Louis's courtesy had not
been so disinterested as it was prompt. He had hoped that Pius II
would abandon the cause of Ferdinand of Aragon, a claimant to the
throne of Naples, and would uphold that of his rival, the French prince,
John of Anjou, Duke of Calabria, whose champion Louis had declared
himself. He bade his ambassador at Rome to remind the pope of the
royal hopes. “You
know”, said the ambassador to Pius II, “it is only on this condition
that the king my master abolished the Pragmatic; he was pleased to
desire that in his kingdom full obedience should be rendered to you;
he demands, on the other hand, that you should be pleased to be a
friend to France; otherwise I have orders to bid all the French cardinals
withdraw, and you cannot doubt but that they will obey”. But
Pius II was more proud than Louis XI dared to be imperious. He answered:
"We are under very great obligations to the King of France, but that
gives him no right to exact from us things contrary to justice and
to our honor; we have sent aid to Ferdinand by virtue of the treaties
we have with him; let the king your master compel the Duke of Anjou
to lay down arms and prosecute his rights by course of justice, and
if Ferdinand refuse to submit thereto we will declare against him;
but we cannot promise more. If the French who are at our court wish
to withdraw, the gates are open to them”. The
king, a little ashamed at the fruitlessness of his concession and
of his threat, had for an instant some desire to re-establish the
Pragmatic Sanction, for which the parliament of Paris had taken up
the cudgels; but, all considered, he thought it better to put up in
silence with his rebuff, and pay the penalty for a rash concession,
than to get involved with the court of Rome in a struggle of which
he could not measure the gravity; and he contented himself with letting
the parliament maintain in principle and partially keep up the Pragmatic.
This was his first apprenticeship in that outward resignation and
patience, amidst his own mistakes, of which he was destined to be
called upon more than once in the course of his life to make a humble
but skilful use. At
the same time that at the pinnacle of government and in his court
Louis was thus making his power felt, and was engaging a new set of
servants, he was zealously endeavoring to win over, everywhere, the
middle classes and the populace. He left Rouen in the hands of its
own inhabitants; in Guienne, in Auvergne,
at Tours, he gave the burgesses authority to assemble, and his orders
to the royal agents were: “Whatever is done see that it be answered
for unto us by two of the most notable burgesses of the principal
cities”. At Rheims the rumor ran that under King Louis there would
be no more tax or talliage. When deputations
went before him to complain of the weight of imposts, he would say:
“I thank you, my dear and good friends, for making such remonstrances
to me; I have nothing more at heart than to put an end to all sorts
of exactions, and to re-establish my kingdom in its ancient liberties.
I have just been passing five years in the countries of my uncle of
Burgundy; and there I saw good cities mighty rich and full of inhabitants,
and folks well clad, well housed, well off, lacking nothing; the commerce
there is great, and the communes there have fine privileges. When
I came into my own kingdom I saw, on the contrary, houses in ruins,
fields without tillage, men and women in rags, faces pinched and pale.
It is a great pity, and my soul is filled with sorrow at it. All my
desire is to apply a remedy thereto, and, with God's help, we will
bring it to pass”. The
good folks departed, charmed with such familiarity, so prodigal of
hope; but facts before long gave the lie to words. When the time came
for renewing at Rheims the claim for local taxes, the people showed
opposition, and all the papers were burned in the open street. The
king employed stratagem. In order not to encounter overt resistance,
he caused a large number of his folks to disguise themselves as tillers
or artisans; and so entering the town, they were masters of it before
the people could think of defending themselves. The ringleaders of
the rebellion were drawn and quartered, and about a hundred persons
were beheaded or hanged. At Angers, at Alençon, and at Aurillac,
there were similar outbursts similarly punished. From that moment
it was easy to prognosticate that with the new king familiarity would
not prevent severity, or even cruelty. According to the requirements
of the crisis Louis had no more hesitation about violating than about
making promises; and, all the while that he was seeking after popularity,
he intended to make his power felt at any price. How
could he have done without heavy imposts and submission on the part
of the tax-payers? For it was not only at home in his own kingdom
that he desired to be chief actor and master. He pushed his ambition
and his activity abroad into divers European states. In Italy he had
his own claimant to the throne of Naples in opposition to the King
of Aragon's. In Spain the Kings of Aragon and of Castile were in a
state of rivalry and war. A sedition broke out in Catalonia. Louis
XI lent the King of Aragon three hundred and fifty thousand golden
crowns to help him in raising eleven hundred lances, and reducing
the rebels. Civil war was devastating England. The houses of York
and Lancaster were disputing the crown. Louis XI kept up relations
with both sides; and without embroiling himself with the Duke of York,
who became Edward IV, he received at Chinon
the heroic Margaret of Anjou, wife of Henry VI, and lent twenty thousand
pounds sterling to that prince, then dethroned, who undertook either
to repay them within a year or to hand over Calais, when he was re-established
upon his throne, to the King of France. In the same way John II, King
of Aragon, had put Roussillon and Cerdagne into the hands of Louis
XI, as a security for the loan of three hundred and fifty thousand
crowns he had borrowed. Amidst all the plans and enterprises of his
personal ambition Louis was seriously concerned for the greatness
of France; but he drew upon her resources, and compromised her far
beyond what was compatible with her real interests, by mixing himself
up, at every opportunity and by every sort of intrigue, with the affairs
and quarrels of the kings and peoples around him. BATTLE
OF MONTLHERY (July 16, 1465) In
France itself he had quite enough of questions to be solved and perils
to be surmounted to absorb and satisfy the most vigilant and most
active of men. Four princes of very unequal power, but all eager for
independence and preponderance, viz., Charles, Duke of Berry, his
brother; Francis II, Duke of Brittany; Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy,
his uncle; and John, Duke of Bourbon, his brother-in-law, were vassals
whom he found very troublesome, and ever on the point of becoming
dangerous. It was not long before he had a proof of it. In 1463, two
years after Louis's accession, the Duke of Burgundy sent one of his
most trusty servants, John of Croy, Sire
de Chimay, to complain of certain royal
acts, contrary, he said, to the treaty of Arras, which, in 1435, had
regulated the relations between Burgundy and the crown. The
envoy had great difficulty in getting audience of the king, who would
not even listen for more than a single moment, and that as he was
going out of his room, when, almost without heeding, he said abruptly:
“What manner of man, then, is this Duke of Burgundy? Is he of other
metal than the other lords of the realm?” “Yes,
sir”, replied Chimay, “he is of other
metal; for he protected you and maintained you against the will of
your father King Charles, and against the opinion of all those who
were opposed to you in the kingdom, which no other prince or lord
would have dared to do”. Louis went back into his room without a word.
“How
dared you speak so to the king”, said Dunois to Chimay.
“Had
I been fifty leagues away from here”, said the Burgundian,
“and had I thought that the king had an idea only of addressing such
words to me, I would have come back express to speak to him as I have
spoken”. The
Duke of Brittany was less puissant and less proudly served than the
Duke of Burgundy; but, being vain and inconsiderate, he was incessantly
attempting to exalt himself above his condition of vassal, and to
raise his duchy into a sovereignty, and when his pretensions were
rejected he entered, at one time with the King of England and at another
with the Duke of Burgundy and the malcontents of France, upon intrigues
which amounted very nearly to treason against the king his suzerain.
Charles,
Louis’s younger brother, was a soft and mediocre but jealous and timidly
ambitious prince; he remembered, moreover, the preference and the
wishes manifested on his account by Charles VII, their common father,
on his death-bed, and he considered his position as Duke of Berry
very inferior to the hopes he believed himself entitled to nourish.
Duke
John of Bourbon, on espousing a sister of Louis XI, had flattered
himself that this marriage and the remembrance of the valor he had
displayed, in 1450, at the battle of Formigny,
would be worth to him at least the sword of constable; but Louis had
refused to give it him. When
all these great malcontents saw Louis's popularity on the decline,
and the king engaged abroad in divers political designs full of onerousness
or embarrassment, they considered the moment to have come, and, at
the end of 1464, formed together an alliance “for to remonstrate with
the king”, says Commynes, “upon the bad order and injustice he kept
up in his kingdom, considering themselves strong enough to force him
if he would not mend his ways; and this war was called the common
weal, because it was undertaken under color of being for the common
weal of the kingdom, the which was soon converted into private
weal”. The aged Duke of Burgundy, sensible and weary as he was, gave
only a hesitating and slack adherence to the league; but his son Charles,
Count of Charolais, entered into it passionately,
and the father was no more in a condition to resist his son than he
was inclined to follow him. The number of the declared malcontents
increased rapidly; and the chiefs received at Paris itself, in the
church of Notre Dame, the adhesion and the signatures of those who
wished to join them. They all wore, for recognition's sake, a band
of red silk round their waists, and, “there were more than five hundred”,
says Oliver de la Marche, a confidential servant of the Count of Charolais,
“princes as well as knights, dames, damsels, and esquires, who were
well acquainted with this alliance without the king's knowing anything
as yet about it”. It
is difficult to believe the chronicler's last assertion. Louis XI,
it is true, was more distrustful than far-sighted, and, though he
placed but little reliance in his advisers and servants, he had so
much confidence in himself, his own sagacity, and his own ability,
that he easily deluded himself about the perils of his position; but
the facts which have just been set forth were too serious and too
patent to have escaped his notice. However that may be, he had no
sooner obtained a clear insight into the league of the princes than
he set to work with his usual activity and knowledge of the world
to checkmate it. To rally together his own partisans and to separate
his foes, such was the twofold end he pursued, at first with some
success. In a meeting of the princes which was held at Tours, and
in which friends and enemies were still mingled together, he used
language which could not fail to meet their views. “He
was powerless”, he said, “to remedy the evils of the kingdom without
the love and fealty of the princes of the blood and the other lords;
they were the pillars of the state; without their help one man alone
could not bear the weight of the crown”. Many
of those present declared their fealty. “You
are our king, our sovereign lord”, said King René, Duke of Anjou;
“we thank you for the kind, gracious, and honest words you have just
used to us. I say to you, on behalf of all our lords here present,
that we will serve you in respect of and against every one, according
as it may please you to order us”. Louis,
by a manifesto, addressed himself also to the good towns and to all
his kingdom. He deplored therein the enticements which had been suffered
to draw away “his brother, the Duke of Berry and other princes, churchmen,
and nobles, who would never have consented to this league if they
had borne in mind the horrible calamities of the kingdom, and especially
the English, those ancient enemies, who might well come down again
upon it as heretofore” ... “They proclaim”, said he, “that they will
abolish the imposts; that is what has always been declared by the
seditious and rebellious; but, instead of relieving, they ruin the
poor people. Had I been willing to augment their pay, and permit them
to trample their vassals under foot as in time past, they would never
have given a thought to the common weal. They pretend that they desire
to establish order everywhere, and yet they cannot endure it anywhere;
whilst I, without drawing from my people more than was drawn by the
late king, pay my men-at-arms well, and keep them in a good state
of discipline”. Louis,
in his latter words, was a little too boastful. He had very much augmented
the imposts without assembling the estates, and without caring for
the old public liberties. If he frequently repressed local tyranny
on the part of the lords, he did not deny himself the practice of
it. Amongst other tastes, he was passionately fond of the chase; and,
wherever he lived, he put it down amongst his neighbors, noble or
other, without any regard for rights of lordship. Hounds, hawking
birds, nets, snares, all the implements of hunting were forbidden.
He even went so far, it is said, on one occasion, as to have two gentlemen's
ears cut off for killing a hare on their own property. Nevertheless,
the publication of his manifesto did him good service. Auvergne, Dauphiny,
Languedoc, Lyon and Bordeaux turned a deaf ear to all temptations
from the league of princes. Paris, above all, remained faithful to
the king. Orders were given at the Hotel de Ville that the principal
gates of the city should be walled up, and that there should be a
night watch on the ramparts; and the burgesses were warned to lay
in provision of arms and victual. Marshal Joachim Rouault, lord of
Gamaches, arrived at Paris on the 30th
of June, 1465, at the head of a body of men-at-arms, to protect the
city against the Count of Charolais,
who was coming up; and the king himself, not content with dispatching
four of his chief officers to thank the Parisians for their loyal
zeal, wrote to them that he would send the queen to lie in at Paris,
“the city he loved most in the world”. Louis
would have been glad to have nothing to do but to negotiate and talk.
Though he was personally brave, he did not like war and its unforeseen
issues. He belonged to the class of ambitious despots who prefer stratagem
to force. But the very ablest speeches and artifices, even if they
do not remain entirely fruitless, are not sufficient to reduce matters
promptly to order when great interests are threatened, passions violently
excited, and factions let loose in the arena. Between the League of
the Common Weal and Louis XI there was a question too great to be,
at the very outset, settled peacefully. It was feudalism in decline
at grips with the kingship, which had been growing greater and greater
for two centuries. The lords did not trust the king's promises; and
one amongst those lords was too powerful to yield without a fight.
At
the beginning Louis had, in Auvergne and in Berry, some successes,
which decided a few of the rebels, the most insignificant, to accept
truces and enter upon parleys; but the great princes, the Dukes of
Burgundy, Brittany, and Berry, waxed more and more angry. The aged
Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good himself, sobered and wearied as
he was, threw himself passionately into the struggle. “Go”,
said he to his son, Count Charles of Charolais,
“maintain your honor well, and, if you have need of a hundred thousand
more men to deliver thee from difficulty, I myself will lead them
to you”. Charles
marched promptly on Paris. Louis, on his side, moved thither, with
the design and in the hope of getting in there without fighting. But
the Burgundians, posted at St. Denis and the environs, barred his
approach. His seneschal, Peter de Brézé,
advised him to first attack the Bretons, who were advancing to join
the Burgundians. Louis, looking at him somewhat mistrustfully, said:
“You,
too, Sir Seneschal, have signed this League of the Common Weal”. “Ay,
sir”, answered Brézé, with a laugh, “they
have my signature, but you have myself”. “Would
you be afraid to try conclusions with the Burgundians?” continued
the king. “Nay,
verily”, replied the seneschal; “I will let that be seen in the first
battle”. Louis
continued his march on Paris. The two armies met at Montlhéry,
on the 16th of July, 1465. Brézé, who
commanded the king’s advance-guard, immediately went into action,
and was one of the first to be killed. Louis came up to his assistance
with troops in rather loose order; the affair became hot and general;
the French for a moment wavered, and a rumor ran through the ranks
that the king had just been killed. “No,
my friends”, said Louis, taking off his helmet, “no, I am not dead;
defend your king with good courage”. The
wavering was transferred to the Burgundians. Count Charles himself
was so closely pressed that a French man-at-arms laid his hand on
him, saying, “Yield you, my lord; I know you well; let not yourself
be slain”. “A
rescue!” cried Charles; “I'll not leave you, my friends, unless by
death: I am here to live and die with you”. He was wounded by a sword-thrust
which entered his neck between his helmet and his breastplate, badly
fastened. Disorder
set in on both sides, without either's being certain how things were,
or being able to consider itself victorious. Night came on; and French
and Burgundians encamped before Montlhéry.
The Count of Charolais sat down on two
heaps of straw, and had his wound dressed. Around him were the stripped
corpses of the slain. As they were being moved to make room for him,
a poor wounded creature, somewhat revived by the motion, recovered
consciousness and asked for a drink. The count made them pour down
his throat a drop of his own mixture, for he never drank wine. The
wounded man came completely to himself, and recovered. It was one
of the archers of his guard. Next day news was brought to Charles
that the Bretons were coming up, with their own duke, the Duke of
Berry, and Count Dunois at their head. He went as far as Etampes
to meet them, and informed them of what had just happened. The Duke
of Berry was very much distressed; it was a great pity, he said, that
so many people had been killed; he heartily wished that the war had
never been begun. “Did
you hear”, said the Count of Charolais
to his servants, “how yonder fellow talks? He is upset at the sight
of seven or eight hundred wounded men going about the town, folks
who are nothing to him, and whom he does not even know; he would be
still more upset if the matter touched him nearly; he is just the
sort of fellow to readily make his own terms and leave us stuck in
the mud; we must secure other friends”. And he forthwith made one
of his people post off to England, to draw closer the alliance between
Burgundy and Edward IV. THE
PEACE OF CONFLANS Louis,
meanwhile, after passing a day at Corbeil,
had once more, on the 18th of July, entered Paris, the object of his
chief solicitude. He dismounted at his lieutenant's, the Sire de Meinns,
and asked for some supper. Several persons, burgesses and their wives,
took supper with him. He excited their lively interest by describing
to them the battle of Montlhéry, the
danger he had run there, and the scenes which had been enacted, adopting
at one time a pathetic and at another a bantering tone, and exciting
by turns the emotion and the laughter of his audience. In three days,
he said, he would return to fight his enemies, in order to finish
the war; but he had not enough of men-at-arms, and all had not at
that moment such good spirits as he. He
passed a fortnight in Paris, devoting himself solely to the task of
winning the hearts of the Parisians, reducing imposts, giving audience
to everybody, lending a favorable ear to every opinion offered him,
making no inquiry as to who had been more or less faithful to him,
showing clemency without appearing to be aware of it, and not punishing
with severity even those who had served as guides to the Burgundians
in the pillaging of the villages around Paris. A crier of the Chatelet,
who had gone crying about the streets the day on which the Burgundians
attacked the gate of St. Denis, was sentenced only to a month's imprisonment,
bread and water, and a flogging. He was marched through the city in
a night-man's cart; and the king, meeting the procession, called out,
as he passed, to the executioner, “Strike hard, and spare not that
ribald; he has well deserved it”. Meanwhile
the Burgundians were approaching Paris and pressing it more closely
every day. Their different allies in the League were coming up with
troops to join them, including even some of those who, after having
suffered reverses in Auvergne, had concluded truces with the king.
The forces scattered around Paris amounted, it is said, to fifty thousand
men, and occupied Charenton, Conflans,
St. Maur, and St. Denis, making ready
for a serious attack upon the place. Louis,
notwithstanding his firm persuasion that things always went ill wherever
he was not present in person, left Paris for Rouen, to call out and
bring up the regulars and reserves of Normandy. In his absence, interviews
and parleys took place between besiegers and besieged. The former,
found partisans amongst the inhabitants of Paris, in the Hotel de
Ville itself. The Count de Dunois made capital of all the grievances
of the League against the king's government, and declared that, if
the city refused to receive the princes, the authors of this refusal
would have to answer for whatever misery, loss, and damage might come
of it; and, in spite of all efforts on the part of the king's officers
and friends, some wavering was manifested in certain quarters. But
there arrived from Normandy considerable re-enforcements, announcing
the early return of the king. And, in fact, he entered Paris on the
28th of August, the mass of the people testifying their joy and singing
“Noel”. Louis
made as if he knew nothing of what had happened in his absence, and
gave nobody a black look; only four or five burgesses, too much compromised
by their relations with the besiegers, were banished to Orleans. Sharp
skirmishes were frequent all round the
place; there was cannonading on both sides; and some balls from Paris
came tumbling about the quarters of the Count of Charolais,
and killed a few of his people before his very door. But Louis did
not care to risk a battle. He was much impressed by the enemy's strength,
and by the weakness of which glimpses had been seen in Paris during
his absence. Whilst his men-of-war were fighting here and there, he
opened negotiations. Local and temporary truces were accepted, and
agents of the king had conferences with others from the chiefs of
the League. The princes showed so exacting a spirit that there was
no treating on such conditions; and Louis determined to see whether
he could not succeed better than his agents. He had an interview of
two hours' duration in front of the St. Anthony gate, with the Count
of St. Pol, a confidant of the Count of Charolais.
On his return he found before the gate some burgesses waiting for
news. “Well,
my friends”, said he, “the Burgundians will not give you so much trouble
any more as they have given you in the past”. “That
is all very well, sir”, replied an attorney of the Chatelet,
“but meanwhile they eat our grapes and gather our vintage without
any hindrance.” “Still”,
said the king, “that is better than if they were to come and drink
your wine in your cellars”. The
month of September passed thus in parleys without result. Bad news
came from Rouen; the League had a party in that city. Louis felt that
the Count of Charolais was the real head
of the opposition, and the only one with whom anything definite could
he arrived at. He resolved to make a direct attempt upon him; for
he had confidence in the influence he could obtain over people when
he chatted and treated in person with them. One day he got aboard
of a little boat with five of his officers, and went over to the left
bank of the Seine. There the Count of Charolais
was awaiting him. “Will
you insure me, brother?” said the king, as he stepped ashore. “Yes,
my lord, as a brother”, said the count. The
king embraced him and went on: “I quite see, brother, that you are
a gentleman and of the house of France”. “How
so, my lord?” “When
I sent my ambassadors lately [in 1464] to Lille on an errand to my
uncle, your father and yourself, and when my chancellor, that fool
of a Morvilliers, made you such a fine
speech, you sent me word by the Archbishop of Narbonne that I should
repent me of the words spoken to you by that Morvilliers,
and that before a year was over. Piques-Dieu,
you've kept your promise, and before the end of the year has come.
I like to have to do with folks who hold to what they promise”. This
he said laughingly, knowing well that this language was just the sort
of flattery to touch the Count of Charolais.
They walked for a long while together on the river's bank, to the
great curiosity of their people, who were surprised to see them conversing
on such good terms. They talked of possible conditions of peace, both
of them displaying considerable pliancy, save the king touching the
duchy of Normandy, which he would not at any price, he said, confer
on his brother the Duke of Berry, and the Count of Charolais
touching his enmity towards the house of Croy,
with which he was determined not to be reconciled. At parting, the
king invited the count to Paris, where he would make him great cheer.
“My
lord”, said Charles, “I have made a vow not to enter any good town
until my return”. The
king smiled; gave fifty golden crowns for distribution, to drink his
health, amongst the count's archers, and once more got aboard of his
boat. Shortly after getting back to Paris he learned that Normandy
was lost to him. The widow of the seneschal, De Brézé,
lately killed at Montlhéry, forgetful
of all the king's kindnesses and against the will of her own son,
whom Louis had appointed seneschal of Normandy after his father's
death, had just handed over Rouen to the Duke of Bourbon, one of the
most determined chiefs of the League. Louis at once took his course.
He sent to demand an interview with the Count of Charolais,
and repaired to Conflans with a hundred Scots of his guard. There
was a second edition of the walk together. Charles knew nothing as
yet about the surrender of Rouen; and Louis lost no time in telling
him of it before he had leisure for reflection and for magnifying
his pretensions. “Since
the Normans”, said he, “have of themselves felt disposed for such
a novelty, so be it! I should never of my own free will have conferred
such an appanage on my brother; but,
as the thing is done, I give my consent”. And he at the same time
assented to all the other conditions which had formed the subject
of conversation. In
proportion to the resignation displayed by the king was the joy of
the Count of Charolais at seeing himself
so near to peace. Everything was going wrong with his army; provisions
were short; murmurs and dissensions were setting in; and the League
of common weal was on the point of ending in a shameful catastrophe.
Whilst strolling and conversing with cordiality the two princes kept
advancing towards Paris. Without noticing it, they passed within the
entrance of a strong palisade which the king had caused to be erected
in front of the city-walls, and which marked the boundary-line. All
on a sudden they stopped, both of them disconcerted. The Burgundian
found himself within the hostile camp; but he kept a good countenance,
and simply continued the conversation. Amongst his army, however,
when he was observed to be away so long, there was already a feeling
of deep anxiety. The chieftains had met together. “If
this young prince”, said the marshal of Burgundy, “has gone to his
own ruin like a fool, let us not ruin his house. Let every man retire
to his quarters, and hold himself in readiness without disturbing
himself about what may happen. By keeping together we are in a condition
to fall back on the marches of Hainault, Picardy, or Burgundy”. The
veteran warrior mounted his horse and rode forward in the direction
of Paris to see whether Count Charles were coming back or not. It
was not long before he saw a troop of forty or fifty horse moving
towards him. They were the Burgundian
prince and an escort of the king's own guard. Charles dismissed the
escort, and came up to the marshal, saying: “Don't say a word; I acknowledge
my folly; but I saw it too late; I was already close to the works”.
“Everybody
can see that I was not there”, said the marshal; “if I had been, it
would never have happened. You know, your highness, that I am only
on loan to you, as long as your father lives”. Charles made no reply,
and returned to his own camp, where all congratulated him and rendered
homage to the king's honorable conduct. Negotiations
for peace were opened forthwith. There was no difficulty about them.
Louis was ready to make sacrifices as soon as be recognized the necessity
for them, being quite determined, however, in his heart to recall
them as soon as fortune came back to him. Two distinct treaties were
concluded: one at Conflans on the 5th of October, 1465, between Louis
and the Count of Charolais; and the other
at St. Maur on the 29th of October, between
Louis and the other princes of the League. By one or the other of
the treaties the king granted nearly every demand that had been made
upon him; to the Count of Charolais he
gave up all the towns of importance in Picardy; to the Duke of Berry
he gave the duchy of Normandy, with entire sovereignty; and the other
princes, independently of the different territories that had been
conceded to them, all received large sums in ready money. The
conditions of peace had already been agreed to, when the Burgundians
went so far as to summon, into the bargain, the strong place of Beauvais.
Louis quietly complained to Charles: “If you wanted this town”, said
he,”you should have asked me for it,
and I would have given it to you; but peace is made, and it ought
to be observed”. Charles
openly disavowed the deed. When peace was proclaimed, on the 30th
of October, the king went to Vincennes to receive the homage of his
brother Charles for the duchy of Normandy, and that of the Count of
Charolais for the lands of Picardy. The
count asked the king to give up to him “for that day the castle of
Vincennes for the security of all”. Louis made no objection; and the
gate and apartments of the castle were guarded by the count's own
people. But the Parisians, whose favor Louis had won, were alarmed
on his account. Twenty-two thousand men of the city militia marched
towards the outskirts of Vincennes and obliged the king to return
and sleep at Paris. He went almost alone to the grand review which
the Count of Charolais held of his army
before giving the word for marching away, and passed from rank to
rank speaking graciously to his late enemies. The king and the count,
on separating, embraced one another, the count saying in a loud voice,
“Gentlemen, you and I are at the command of the king my sovereign
lord, who is here present, to serve him whensoever
there shall be need”. When
the treaties of Conflans and St. Maur
were put before the parliament to be registered, the parliament at
first refused, and the exchequer-chamber followed suit; but the king
insisted in the name of necessity, and the registration took place,
subject to a declaration on the part of the parliament that it was
forced to obey. Louis, at bottom, was not sorry for this resistance,
and himself made a secret protest against the treaties he had just
signed. At
the outset of the negotiations it had been agreed that thirty-six
notables, twelve prelates, twelve knights, and twelve members of the
council, should assemble to inquire into the errors committed in the
government of the kingdom, and to apply remedies. They were to meet
on the 15th of December, and to have terminated their labors in two
months at the least, and in three months and ten days at the most.
The king promised on his word to abide firmly and stably by what they
should decree. But this commission was nearly a year behind time in
assembling, and, even when it was assembled, its labors were so slow
and so futile, that the Count de Dampmartin
was quite justified in writing to the Count of Charolais,
become by his father's death Duke of Burgundy, “The League of common
weal has become nothing but the League of common woe”. DEATH
OF PHILIP HE GOOD Scarcely
were the treaties signed and the princes returned each to his own
dominions when a quarrel arose between the Duke of Brittany and the
new Duke of Normandy. Louis, who was watching for dissensions between
his enemies, went at once to see the Duke of Brittany, and made with
him a private convention for mutual security. Then, having his movements
free, he suddenly entered Normandy to retake possession of it as a
province which, notwithstanding the cession of it just made to his
brother, the King of France could not dispense with. Evreux, Gisors,
Gournay, Louviers,
and even Rouen fell, without much resistance, again into his power.
The Duke of Berry made a vigorous appeal for support to his late ally,
the Duke of Burgundy, in order to remain master of the new duchy which
had been conferred upon him under the late treaties. The Count of
Charolais was at that time taking up
little by little the government of the Burgundian
dominions in the name of his father, the aged Duke Philip, who was
ill and near his end; but, by pleading his own engagements, and especially
his ever-renewed struggle with his Flemish subjects, the Liegese,
the count escaped from the necessity of satisfying the Duke of Berry.
In
order to be safe in the direction of Burgundy as well as that of Brittany,
Louis had entered into negotiations with Edward IV, King of England,
and had made him offers, perhaps even promises, which seemed to trench
upon the rights ceded by the treaty of Conflans to the Duke of Burgundy,
as to certain districts of Picardy. The Count of Charolais
was informed of it; and in his impetuous wrath he wrote to King Louis,
dubbing him simply Sir, instead of giving him, according to the usage
between vassal and suzerain, the title of My most dread lord: "May
it please you to wit, that some time ago I was apprised of a matter
at which I cannot be too much astounded. It is with great sorrow that
I name it to you, when I remember the fair expressions I have all
through this year had from you, both in writing and by word of mouth.
It is certain that parley has been held between your people and those
of the King of England, that you have thought proper to assign to
them the district of Caux and the city
of Rouen; that you have promised to obtain from them Abbeville and
the countship of Ponthieu,
and that you have concluded with them certain alliances against me
and my country, whilst making them large offers to my prejudice. Of
what is yours, sir, you may dispose according to your pleasure; but
it seems to me that you might do better than wish to take from my
hands what is mine, in order to give it to the English or to any other
foreign nation. I pray you, therefore, sir, if such overtures have
been made by your people, to be pleased not to consent thereto in
any way, but to put a stop to the whole, to the end that I may remain
your most humble servant, as I desire to be”. Louis
returned no answer to this letter. He contented himself with sending
to the commission of thirty-six notables, then in session at Etampes
for the purpose of considering the reform of the kingdom, a request
to represent to the Count of Charolais
the impropriety of such language, and to appeal for the punishment
of the persons who had suggested it to him. The count made some awkward
excuses, at the same time that he persisted in complaining of the
king's obstinate pretensions and underhand ways. A serious incident
now happened, which for a while distracted the attention of the two
rivals from their mutual recriminations. Duke
Philip the Good, who had for some time past been visibly declining
in body and mind, was visited at Bruges by a stroke of apoplexy, soon
discovered to be fatal. His son, the Count of Charolais,
was at Ghent. At the first whisper of danger he mounted his horse,
and without a moment's halt arrived at Bruges on the 15th of June,
1467, and ran to his father's room, who had already lost speech and
consciousness. “Father,
father”, cried the count, on his knees and sobbing, “give me your
blessing; and if I have offended you, forgive me”. “My
lord”, added the Bishop of Bethlehem, the dying man's confessor, “if
you only hear us, bear witness by some sign”. The
duke turned his eyes a little towards his son, and seemed to feebly
press his hand. This was his last effort of life; and in the evening,
after some hours of passive agony, he died. His son flung himself
upon the bed: “He shrieked, he wept, he wrung his hands”, says George
Chatelain, one of the aged duke's oldest
and most trusted servants, “and for many a long day tears were mingled
with all his words every time he spoke to those who had been in the
service of the dead, so much so that everyone marveled at his immeasurable
grief; it had never heretofore been thought that he could feel a quarter
of the sorrow he showed, for he was thought to have a sterner heart,
whatever cause there might have been; but nature overcame him”. Nor
was it to his son alone that Duke Philip had been so good and left
so many grounds for sorrow. “With you we lose”, was the saying amongst
the crowd that followed the procession through the streets, “with
you we lose our good old duke, the best, the gentlest, the friendliest
of princes, our peace and eke our joy! Amidst such fearful storms
you at last brought us out into tranquility and good order; you set
justice on her seat and gave free course to commerce. And now you
are dead, and we are orphans!” Many voices, it is said, added in a
lower tone, “You leave us in hands whereof the weight is unknown to
us; we know not into what perils we may be brought by the power that
is to be over us, over us so accustomed to yours, under which we,
most of us, were born and grew up”. What
the people were anxiously forecasting, Louis foresaw with certainty,
and took his measures accordingly. A few days after the death of Philip
the Good, several of the principal Flemish cities, Ghent first and
then Liège, rose against the new Duke of Burgundy in defense of their
liberties, already ignored or threatened. The intrigues of Louis were
not unconnected with these solicitations. He would undoubtedly have
been very glad to have seen his most formidable enemy beset, at the
very commencement of his ducal reign, by serious embarrassments, and
obliged to let the king of France settle without trouble his differences
with his brother Duke Charles of Berry, and with the Duke of Brittany.
But the new Duke of Burgundy was speedily triumphant over the Flemish
insurrections; and after these successes, at the close of the year
1467, he was so powerful and so unfettered in his movements, that
Louis might, with good reason, fear the formation of a fresh league
amongst his great neighbors in coalition against him, and perhaps
even in communication with the English, who were ever ready to seek
in France allies for the furtherance of their attempts to regain there
the fortunes wrested from them by Joan of Arc and Charles VII. In
view of such a position Louis formed a resolution, unpalatable, no
doubt, to one so jealous of his own power, but indicative of intelligence
and boldness; he confronted the difficulties of home government in
order to prevent perils from without. The remembrance had not yet
faded of the energy displayed and the services rendered in the first
part of Charles VII's reign by the states-general; a wish was manifested
for their resuscitation; and they were spoken of, even in the popular
doggerel, as the most effectual remedy for the evils of the period.
—
But what says Paris? —She
is deaf and dumb. —Dares
she not speak? —Nor
she, nor parliament. —The
clergy? —O!
the clergy are kept mum. —Upon
your oath? —Yes,
on the sacrament. —The
nobles, then? —The
nobles are still worse. —And
justice? —Hath
nor balances nor weights. —Who,
then, may hope to mitigate this curse? —Who?
prithee, who? —Why,
France's three estates. —Be
pleased, O prince, to grant alleviation . . . —To
whom? —To
the good citizen who waits . .
—For
what? —The
right of governing the nation . . . —Through
whom? pray, whom? —Why,
France’s three estates.
IMPRISONEMENT
OF THE KING In
the face of the evil Louis felt no fear of the remedy. He summoned
the states-general to a meeting at Tours on the 1st of April, 1468.
Twenty-eight lords in person, besides representatives of several others
who were unable to be there themselves, and a hundred and ninety-two
deputies elected by sixty-four towns, met in session. The chancellor,
Juvenal des Ursins, explained, in presence
of the king, the object of the meeting: “It is to take cognizance
of the differences which have arisen between the king and Sir Charles,
his brother, in respect of the duchy of Normandy and the appanage
of the said Sir Charles; likewise the great excesses and encroachments
which the Duke of Brittany hath committed against the king by seizing
his places and subjects, and making open war upon him; and thirdly,
the communication which is said to be kept up by the Duke of Brittany
with the English, in order to bring them down upon this country, and
hand over to them the places he doth hold in Normandy. Whereupon we
are of opinion that the people of the three estates should give their
good advice and council” After
this official programme, the king and
his councilors withdrew. The estates deliberated during seven or eight
sessions, and came to an agreement “without any opposition or difficulty
whatever, that as touching the duchy of Normandy it ought not to and
cannot be separated from the crown in any way whatsoever, but must
remain united, annexed, and conjoined thereto inseparably. Further,
any arrangement of the Duke of Brittany with the English is a thing
damnable, pernicious, and of most evil consequences, and one which
is not to be permitted, suffered, or tolerated in any way. Lastly,
if Sir Charles, the Duke of Brittany, or others, did make war on the
king our sovereign lord, or have any treaty or connection with his
enemies, the king is bound to proceed against them who should do so,
according to what must be done in such case for the tranquility and
security of the realm ... And as often soever
as the said cases may occur, the people of the estates have agreed
and consented, do agree and consent, that, without waiting for other
assemblage or congregation of the estates, the king have power to
do all that comports with order and justice; the said estates promising
and agreeing to serve and aid the king touching these matters, to
obey him with all their might, and to live and die with him in this
quarrel”. Louis
XI himself could demand no more. Had they been more experienced and
far-sighted, the states-general of 1468 would not have been disposed
to resign, even temporarily, into the hands of the kingship, their
rights and their part in the government of the country; but they showed
patriotism and good sense in defending the integrity of the kingdom,
national unity, and public order against the selfish ambition and
disorderly violence of feudalism. Fortified
by their burst of attachment, Louis, by the treaty of Ancenis,
signed on the 10th of September, 1468, put an end to his differences
with Francis II, Duke of Brittany, who gave up his alliance with the
house of Burgundy, and undertook to prevail upon Duke Charles of France
to accept an arbitration for the purpose of settling, before two years
were over, the question of his territorial appanage
in the place of Normandy. In the meanwhile a pension of sixty thousand
livres was to be paid by the crown to
that prince. Thus Louis was left with the new duke, Charles of Burgundy,
as the only adversary he had to face. His advisers were divided as
to the course to be taken with this formidable vassal. Was he to be
dealt with by war or by negotiation? Count de Dampmartin,
Marshal de Rouault, and nearly all the military men earnestly advised
war. “Leave
it to us”, they said: “we will give the king a good account of this
Duke of Burgundy. Plague upon it! what do these Burgundians mean?
They have called in the English and made alliance with them in order
to give us battle; they have handed over the country to fire and sword;
they have driven the king from his lordship. We have suffered too
much; we must have revenge; down upon them, in the name of the devil,
down upon them. The king makes a sheep of himself and bargains for
his wool and his skin, as if he had not wherewithal to defend himself.
Death! if we were in his place, we would rather risk the whole kingdom
than let ourselves be treated in this fashion”. But
the king did not like to risk the kingdom; and he had more confidence
in negotiation than in war. Two of his principal advisers, the constable
De St. Pol and the cardinal De la Balue,
Bishop of Evreux, were of his opinion, and urged him to the top of
his bent. Of them he especially made use in his more or less secret
relations with the Duke of Burgundy; and he charged them to sound
him with respect to a personal interview between himself and the duke.
It has been very well remarked by M. de Barante,
in his Histoire des Ducs de Bourgogne,
that “Louis had a great idea of the influence he gained over people
by his wits and his language; he was always convinced that people
never said what ought to be said, and that they did not set to work
the right way”. It was a certain way of pleasing him to give him promise
of a success which he would owe to himself alone; and the constable
and the cardinal did not fail to do so. They found the Duke of Burgundy
very little disposed to accept the king's overtures. “By
St. George”, said he, “I ask nothing but what is just and reasonable;
I desire the fulfillment of the treaties of Arras and of Conflans
to which the king has sworn. I make no war on him; it is he who is
coming to make it on me; but should he bring all the forces of his
kingdom I will not budge from here or recoil the length of my foot.
My predecessors have seen themselves in worse plight, and have not
been dismayed”. Neither the constable De St. Pol nor the cardinal
De la Balue said anything to the king
about this rough disposition on the part of Duke Charles; they both
in their own personal interest desired the interview, and did not
care to bring to light anything that might be an obstacle to it. Louis
persisted in his desire, and sent to ask the duke for a letter of
safe-conduct. Charles wrote with his own hand, on the 8th of October,
1468, as follows: “My
lord, if it is your pleasure to come to this town of Péronne
for to see us, I swear to you and promise you, by my faith and on
my honor, that you may come, remain, sojourn, and go back safely to
the places of Chauny and Noy
on, at your pleasure, as many times as it may please you, freely and
frankly, without any hindrance to you or to any of your folks from
me or others in any case whatever and whatsoever may happen”. When
this letter arrived at Noyon, extreme
surprise and alarm were displayed about Louis; the interview appeared
to be a mad idea; the vicegerent of Amiens came hurrying up with a
countryman who declared on his life that mylord
of Burgundy wished for it only to make an attempt upon the king's
person; the king's greatest enemies, it was said, were already, or
soon would be, with the duke; and the captains vehemently reiterated
their objections. But Louis held to his purpose, and started for Noyon
on the 2d of October, taking with him the constable, the cardinal,
his confessor, and, for all his escort, fourscore of his faithful
Scots, and sixty men-at-arms. This knowing gossip, as his contemporaries
called him, had fits of rashness and audacious vanity. Duke
Charles went to meet him outside the town. They embraced one another,
and returned on foot to Péronne, chatting
familiarly, and the king with his hand resting on the duke’s shoulder,
in token of amity. Louis had quarters at the house of the chamberlain
of the town; the castle of Péronne being,
it was said, in too bad a state, and too ill furnished, for his reception.
On the very day that the king entered Péronne,
the duke's army, commanded by the Marshal of Burgundy, arrived from
the opposite side, and encamped beneath the walls. Several former
servants of the king, now not on good terms with him, accompanied
the Burgundian army. “As
soon as the king was apprised of the arrival of these folks”, says
Commynes, “he had a great fright, and sent to beg of the Duke of Burgundy
that he might be lodged at the castle, seeing that all those who had
come were evil disposed towards him. The duke was very much rejoiced
thereat, had him lodged there, and stoutly assured him that he had
no cause for doubt”. Next
day parleys began between the councilors of the two princes. They
did not appear much disposed to come to an understanding, and a little
sourness of spirit was beginning to show itself on both sides, when
there came news which excited a grand commotion. “King
Louis, on coming to Péronne, had not
considered”, says Commynes, “that he had sent two ambassadors to the
folks of Liège to excite them against the duke. Nevertheless, the
said ambassadors had advanced matters so well that they had already
made a great mass (of rebels). The Liegese
came and took by surprise the town of Tongres,
wherein were the Bishop of Liège and the Lord of Humbercourt,
whom they took also, slaying, moreover, some servants of the said
bishop”. The
fugitives who reported this news at Péronne
made the matter a great deal worse than it was; they had no doubt,
they said, but that the bishop and Sire d'Humbercourt
had also been murdered; and Charles had no more doubt about it than
they. His fury was extreme; he strode to and fro, everywhere relating
the news from Liège. “So
the king”, said he, “came here only to deceive me; it is he who, by
his ambassadors, excited these bad folks of Liège; but, by St. George,
they shall be severely punished for it, and he, himself, shall have
cause to repent”. He gave immediate orders to have the gates of the
town and of the castle closed and guarded by the archers; but being
a little troubled, nevertheless, as to the effect which would be produced
by this order, he gave as his reason for it that he was quite determined
to have recovered a box full of gold and jewels which had been stolen
from him. “I
verily believe”, says Commynes, “that if just then the duke had found
those whom he addressed ready to encourage him, or advise him to do
the king a bad turn, he would have done it; but at that time I was
still with the said duke; I served him as chamberlain, and I slept
in his room when I pleased, for such was the usage of that house.
With me was there none at this speech of the duke's, save two grooms
of the chamber, one called Charles de Visen,
a native of Dijon, an honest man, and one who had great credit with
his master; and we exasperated nought,
but assuaged according to our power”. Whilst
Duke Charles was thus abandoning himself to the first outburst of
his wrath, King Louis remained impassive in the castle of Péronne,
quite close to the great tower, wherein, about the year 925, King
Charles the Simple had been confined by Herbert, Count of Vermandois,
and died a prisoner in 929. None of Louis's people had been removed
from him; but the gate of the castle was strictly guarded. There was
no entering. on his service, but by the wicket, and none of the duke's
people came to visit him; he had no occasion to parley, explain himself,
and guess what it was expedient for him to say or do; he was alone,
wrestling with his imagination and his lively impressions, with the
feeling upon him of the recent mistakes he had committed, especially
in exciting the Liegese to rebellion,
and forgetting the fact just when he was coming to place himself in
his enemy's hands. Far, however, from losing his head, Louis displayed
in this perilous trial all the penetration, activity, and shrewdness
of his mind, together with all the suppleness of his character; he
sent by his own servants questions, offers, and promises to all the
duke's servants from whom he could hope for any help or any good advice.
Fifteen thousand golden crowns, with which he had provided himself
at starting, were given by him to be distributed amongst the household
of the Duke of Burgundy; a liberality which was perhaps useless, since
it is said that he to whom he had intrusted
the sum kept a good portion of it for himself. The king passed two
days in this state of gloomy expectancy as to what was in preparation
against him. On
the 11th of October, Duke Charles, having cooled down a little, assembled
his council. The sitting lasted all the day and part of the night.
Louis had sent to make an offer to swear a peace, such as, at the
moment of his arrival, had been proposed to him, without any reservation
or difficulty on his part. He engaged to join the duke in making war
upon the Liegese and chastising them
for their rebellion. He would leave as hostages his nearest relatives
and his most intimate advisers. At the beginning of the council his
proposals were not even listened to; there was no talk but of keeping
the king a prisoner, and sending after his brother, the Prince Charles,
with whom the entire government of the kingdom should be arranged;
the messenger had orders to be in readiness to start at once; his
horse was in the court-yard; he was only waiting for the letters which
the duke was writing to Brittany. The chancellor of Burgundy and some
of the wiser councilors besought the duke to reflect.
THE
TREATY OF PERONNE The
king had come to Péronne on the faith
of his safe-conduct; it would be an eternal dishonor for the house
of Burgundy if he broke his word to his sovereign lord; and the conditions
which the king was prepared to grant would put an end, with advantage
to Burgundy, to serious and difficult business. The duke gave heed
to these honest and prudent counsels; the news from Liège turned out
to be less serious than the first rumors had represented; the bishop
and Sire d'Humbercourt had been set at
liberty. Charles retired to his chamber; and there, without thinking
of undressing, he walked to and fro with long strides, threw himself
upon his bed, got up again, and soliloquized out loud, addressing
himself occasionally to Commynes, who lay close by him. Towards morning,
though he still showed signs of irritation, his language was less
threatening. “He
has promised me”, said he, “to come with me to reinstate the Bishop
of Liège, who is my brother-in-law, and a relation of his also; he
shall certainly come; I shall not scruple to hold him to his word
that he gave me”; and he at once sent Sires de Crequi,
de Charni, and de la Roche to tell the
king that he was about to come and swear peace with him. Commynes
had only just time to tell Louis in what frame of mind the duke was,
and in what danger he would place himself, if he hesitated either
to swear peace or to march against the Liegese.
As
soon as it was broad day, the duke entered the apartment of the castle
where the king was a prisoner. His look was courteous, but his voice
trembled with choler; his words were short and bitter, his manner
was threatening. A little troubled at his aspect, Louis said, “Brother,
I am safe, am I not, in your house and your country?” “Yes,
sir”, answered the duke, “so safe that if I saw an arrow from a bow
coming towards you I would throw myself in the way to protect you.
But will you not be pleased to swear the treaty just as it is written?”
“Yes”,
said the king, “and I thank you for your good will”. “And
will you not be pleased to come with me to Liège, to help me punish
the treason committed against me by these Liegese,
all through you and your journey hither? The bishop is your near relative,
of the house of Bourbon”. “Yes,
Padues-Dieu”, replied Louis, “and I am
much astounded at their wickedness. But begin we by swearing this
treaty; and then I will start, with as many or as few of my people
as you please”. Forthwith
was taken out from the king's boxes the wood of the so-called true
cross, which was named the cross of St. Laud, because it had been
preserved in the church of St. Laud, at Angers. It was supposed to
have formerly belonged to Charlemagne; and it was the relic which
Louis regarded as the most sacred. The treaty was immediately signed,
without any change being made in that of Conflans. The Duke of Burgundy
merely engaged to use his influence with Prince Charles of France
to induce him to be content with Brie and Champagne as appanage.
The storm was weathered; and Louis almost rejoiced at seeing himself
called upon to chastise in person the Liegese,
who had made him commit such a mistake and run such a risk.
THE
SIEGE OF LIEGE Next
day the two princes set out together, Charles with his army, and Louis
with his modest train increased by three hundred men-at-arms, whom
he had sent for from France. On the 27th of October they arrived before
Liège. Since Duke Charles’s late victories, the city had no longer
any ramparts or ditches; nothing seemed easier than to get into it;
but the besieged could not persuade themselves that Louis was sincerely
allied with the Duke of Burgundy, and they made a sortie, shouting,
“Hurrah for the king! Hurrah for France!” Great was their surprise
when they saw Louis advancing in person, wearing in his hat the cross
of St. Andrew of Burgundy, and shouting, “Hurrah for Burgundy!” Some
even amongst the French who surrounded the king were shocked; they
could not reconcile themselves to so little pride and such brazen
falsehood. Louis took no heed of their temper, and never ceased to
repeat, “When pride rides before, shame and hurt follow close after”.
The surprise of the Liegese was transformed
into indignation. They
made a more energetic and a longer resistance than had been expected.
The besiegers, confident in their strength, kept careless watch, and
the sorties of the besieged became more numerous. One night Charles
received notice that his men had just been attacked in a suburb which
they had held, and were flying. He mounted his horse, gave orders
not to awake the king, repaired by himself to the place where the
fight was, put everything to rights, and came back and told the whole
affair to Louis, who exhibited great joy. Another time, one dark and
rainy night, there was an alarm, about midnight, of a general attack
upon the whole Burgundian camp. The duke
was soon up, and a moment afterwards the king arrived. There was great
disorder. “The
Liegese sallied by this gate”, said some;
“No”, said others, “it was by that gate!”; there was nothing known
for certain, and there were no orders given. Charles was impetuous
and brave, but he was easily disconcerted, and his servants were somewhat
vexed not to see him putting a better countenance on things before
the king. Louis, on the other hand, was cool and calm, giving commands
firmly, and ready to assume responsibility wherever he happened to
be. “Take
what men you have”, said he to the constable St. PoL,
who was at his side, “and go in this direction; if they are really
coming upon us, they will pass that way”. It was discovered to be
a false alarm. Two
days afterwards there was a more serious affair. The inhabitants of
a canton which was close to the city, and was called Franchemont,
resolved to make a desperate effort, and go and fall suddenly upon
the very spot where the two princes were quartered. One night, about
ten P. M., six hundred men sallied out by one of the breaches, all
men of stout hearts and well-armed. The duke’s quarters were first
attacked. Only twelve archers were on guard below, and they were playing
at dice. Charles was in bed. Commynes put on him, as quickly as possible,
his breastplate and helmet, and they went down stairs. The archers
were with great difficulty defending the doorway, but help arrived,
and the danger was over. The
quarters of King Louis had also been attacked; but at the first sound
the Scottish archers had hurried up, surrounded their master, and
repulsed the attack, without caring whether their arrows killed Liegese
or such Burgundians as had come up with assistance. The gallant fellows
from Franchemont fell, almost to a man.
The
duke and his principal captains held a council the next day; and the
duke was for delivering the assault. The king was not present at this
council, and when he was informed of the resolution taken he was not
in favor of an assault. “You
see”, said he, “the courage of these people; you know how murderous
and uncertain is street fighting; you will lose many brave men to
no purpose. Wait two or three days, and the Liegese
will infallibly come to terms”. Nearly all the Burgundian
captains sided with the king. The duke got angry. “He
wishes to spare the Liegese”, said he;
“what danger is there in this assault? There are no walls; they can't
put a single gun in position; I certainly will not give up the assault;
if the king is afraid, let him get him gone to Namur”. Such an insult
shocked even the Burgundians. Louis
was informed of it, but said nothing. Next day, the 30th of October,
1468, the assault was ordered; and the duke marched at the head of
his troops. Up came the king; but, “Bide”, said Charles; “put not
yourself uselessly in danger; I will send you word when it is time”.
“Lead
on, brother”, replied Louis; “you are the most fortunate prince alive;
I will follow you”. And he continued marching with him. But
the assault was unnecessary. Discouragement had taken possession of
the Liegese, the bravest of whom had
fallen. It was Sunday, and the people who remained were not expecting
an attack; “the cloth was laid in every house, and all were preparing
for dinner”. The Burgundians moved forward through the empty streets;
and Louis marched quietly along, surrounded by his own escort, and
shouting, “Hurrah for Burgundy!” The duke turned back to meet him,
and they went together to give thanks to God in the cathedral of St.
Lambert. It was the only church which had escaped from the fury and
the pillaging of the Burgundians; by midday there was nothing left
to take in the houses or in the churches. Louis loaded Duke Charles
with felicitations and commendations: “He knew how to turn them in
a fashion so courteous and amiable that the duke was charmed and softened”.
The
next day, as they were talking together, “Brother”, said the king
to the duke, “if you have still need of my help, do not spare me;
but if you have nothing more for me to do, it would be well for me
to go back to Paris, to make public in my court of parliament the
arrangement we have come to together; otherwise it would run a risk
of becoming of no avail; you know that such is the custom of France.
Next summer we must meet again; you will come into your duchy of Burgundy,
and I will go and pay you a visit, and we will pass a week joyously
together in making good cheer”. Charles
made no answer, and sent for the treaty lately concluded between them
at Péronne, leaving it to the king's
choice to confirm or to renounce it, and excusing himself in covert
terms for having thus constrained him and brought him away. The king
made a show of being satisfied with the treaty, and on the 2d of November,
1468, the day but one after the capture of Liège, set out for France.
The duke bore him company to within half a league of the city. As
they were taking leave of one another, the king said to him, “If,
peradventure, my brother Charles, who is in Brittany, should be discontented
with the assignment I make him for love of you, what would you have
me do?” “If
he do not please to take it”, answered the duke, “but would have you
satisfy him, I leave it to you two”. Louis desired no more: he returned
home free and confident in himself, “after having passed the most
trying three weeks of his life”. JOAN
FURQUET “DE BAEUVAIS” But
Louis XI's deliverance after his quasi-captivity at Péronne,
and the new treaty he had concluded with Duke Charles, were and could
be only a temporary break in the struggle between these two princes,
destined as they were, both by character and position, to irremediable
incompatibility. They were too powerful and too different to live
at peace when they were such close neighbors, and when their relations
were so complicated. We find in the chronicle of George Chastelain,
a Flemish burgher, and a servant on familiar terms with Duke Charles,
as he had been with his father, Duke Philip, a judicious picture of
this incompatibility and the causes of it. “There
had been”, he says, “at all times a rancor between these two princes,
and, whatever pacification might have been effected today, everything
returned tomorrow to the old condition, and no real love could be
established. They suffered from incompatibility of temperament and
perpetual discordance of will; and the more they advanced in years
the deeper they plunged into a state of serious difference and hopeless
bitterness. The king was a man of subtlety and full of fence; he knew
how to recoil for a better spring, how to affect humility and gentleness
in his deep designs, how to yield and to give up in order to receive
double, and how to bear and tolerate for a time his own grievances
in hopes of being able at last to have his revenge. He was, therefore,
very much to be feared for his practical knowledge, showing the greatest
skill and penetration in the world. Duke Charles was to be feared
for his great courage, which he evinced and displayed in his actions,
making no account of king or emperor. Thus, whilst the king had great
sense and great ability, which he used with dissimulation and suppleness
in order to succeed in his views, the duke, on his side, had a great
sense of another sort and to another purpose, which he displayed by
a public ostentation of his pride, without any fear of putting himself
in a false position”. Between
1468 and 1477, from the incident at Péronne
to the death of Charles at the siege of Nancy, the history of the
two princes was nothing but one constant alternation between ruptures
and re-adjustments, hostilities and truces, wherein both were constantly
changing their posture, their language, and their allies. It was at
one time the affairs of the Duke of Brittany or those of Prince Charles
of France, become Duke of Guienne; at
another it was the relations with the different claimants to the throne
of England, or the fate of the towns, in Picardy, handed over to the
Duke of Burgundy by the treaties of Conflans and Péronne,
which served as a ground or pretext for the frequent recurrences of
war. In
1471 St. Quentin opened its gates to Count Louis of St. Pol, constable
of France; and Duke Charles complained with threats about it to the
Count of Dampmartin, who was in commend,
on that frontier, of Louis XI’s army, and had a good understanding
with the constable. Dampmartin, “one
of the bravest men of his time”, says Duclos,
“sincere and faithful, a warm friend and an implacable foe, at once
replied to the duke, 'Most high and puissant prince, I suppose your
letters to have been dictated by your council and highest clerics,
who are folks better at letter-making than I am, for I have not lived
by quill-driving ... If I write you matter that displeases you, and
you have a desire to revenge yourself upon me, you shall find me so
near to your army that you will know how little fear I have of you
... Be assured that if it be your will to go on long making war upon
the king, it will at last be found out by all the world that as a
soldier you have mistaken your calling”. The
next year (1472) war broke out. Duke Charles went and laid siege to
Beauvais, and on the 27th of June delivered the first assault. The
inhabitants were at this moment left almost alone to defend their
town. A young girl of eighteen, Joan Fourquet,
whom a burgher's wife of Beauvais, Madame Laisne,
her mother by adoption, had bred up in the history, still so recent,
of Joan of Arc, threw herself into the midst of the throng, holding
up her little axe (hachette) before the
image of St. Angadresme, patroness of
the town, and crying, “O glorious virgin, come to my aid; to arms!
to arms!” The assault was repulsed; re-enforcements came up from Noyon,
Amiens, and Paris, under the orders of the Marshal de Rouault; and
the mayor of Beauvais presented Joan to him. “Sir”,
said the young girl to him, “you have everywhere been victor, and
you will be so with us”. On
the 9th of July the Duke of Burgundy delivered a second assault, which
lasted four hours. Some Burgundians had escaladed a part of the ramparts;
Joan Hachette arrived there just as one of them was planting his flag
on the spot; she pushed him over the side into the ditch, and went
down in pursuit of him; the man fell on one knee; Joan struck him
down, took possession of the flag, and mounted up to the ramparts
again, crying, !Victory!! The same cry resounded at all points of
the wall; the assault was everywhere repulsed. The
vexation of Charles was great; the day before he had been almost alone
in advocating the assault; in the evening, as he lay on his camp-bed,
according to his custom, he had asked several of his people whether
they thought the townsmen were prepared for it. “Yes,
certainly”, was the answer; “there are a great number of them”. “You
will not find a soul there tomorrow”, said Charles with a sneer. He
remained for twelve days longer before the place, looking for a better
chance; but on the 12th of July he decided upon raising the siege,
and took the road to Normandy. Some
days before attacking Beauvais, he had taken, not without difficulty,
Nesle in the Vermandois.
“There it was”, says Commynes, “that he first committed a horrible
and wicked deed of war, which had never been his wont; this was burning
everything everywhere; those who were taken alive were hanged; a pretty
large number had their hands cut off. It mislikes
me to speak of such cruelty; but I was on the spot, and must needs
say something about it”. Commynes undoubtedly said something about
it to Charles himself, who answered, “It is the fruit borne by the
tree of war; it would have been the fate of Beauvais if I could have
taken the town”. DEFECTION
OF COMMYNES Between
the two rivals in France, relations with England were a subject of
constant manoeuvring and strife. In spite
of reverses on the Continent and civil wars in their own island, the
Kings of England had not abandoned their claims to the crown of France;
they were still in possession of Calais; and the memory of the battles
of Crecy, Poitiers, and Agincourt was still a tower of strength to
them. Between 1470 and 1472 the house of York had triumphed over the
house of Lancaster; and Edward IV was undisputed king. In his views
touching France he found a natural ally in the Duke of Burgundy; and
it was in concert with Charles that Edward was incessantly concocting
and attempting plots and campaigns against Louis XI. In 1474 he, by
a herald, called upon Louis to give up to him Normandy and Guienne,
else, he told him, he would cross over to France with his army. “Tell
your master”, answered Louis coolly, “that I should not advise him
to”. Next
year the herald returned to tell Louis that the King of England, on
the point of embarking, called upon him to give up to him the kingdom
of France. Louis had a conversation with the herald. “Your
king”, said he, “is undertaking this war against his own grain at
the solicitation of the Duke of Burgundy; he would do much better
to live in peace with me, instead of devoting himself to allies who
cannot but compromise him without doing him any service”; and he had
three hundred golden crowns presented to the herald, with a promise
of considerably more if peace were made. The herald, thus won over,
promised, in his turn, to do all he could, saying that he believed
that his master would lend a willing ear, but that, before mentioning
the subject, they must wait until Edward had crossed the sea and formed
some idea of the difficulties in the way of his enterprise; and he
advised Louis to establish communications with “my lord Howard and
my lord Stanley, who had great influence with King Edward”. “Whilst
the king was parleying with the said herald, there were many folks
in the hall”, says Commynes, “who were waiting, and had great longing
to know what the king was saying to him, and what countenance he would
wear when he came from within. The king, when he had made an end,
called me and told me to keep the said herald talking, so that none
might speak to him, and to have delivered unto him a piece of crimson
velvet containing thirty ells. So did I, and the king was right joyous
at that which he had got out of the said herald”. It
was now three years since Philip de Commynes had left the Duke of
Burgundy's service to enter that of Louis XI. In 1471 Charles had,
none knows why, rashly authorized an interview between Louis and De
Commynes. “The king's speech”, says the chronicler Molinet,
in the Duke of Burgundy's service, “was so sweet and full of virtue
that it entranced, siren-like, all those who gave ear to it”. “Of
all princes”, says Commynes himself, “he was the one who was at most
pains to gain over a man who was able to serve him, and able to injure
him; and he was not put out at being refused once by one whom he was
working to gain over, but continued thereat, making him large promises,
and actually giving money and estate when he made acquaintances that
were pleasing to him”. Commynes spoke according to his own experience.
Louis, from the moment of making his acquaintance, had guessed his
value; and as early as 1468, in the course of his disagreeable adventure
at Péronne, he had found the good offices
of Commynes of great service to him. It was probably from this very
time that he applied himself assiduously to the task of gaining him
over. Commynes hesitated a long while; but Louis was even more perseveringly
persistent than Commynes was hesitating. The king backed up his handsome
offers by substantial and present gifts. In 1471, according to what
appears, he lent Commynes six thousand livres
of Tours, which the Duke of Burgundy's councilor lodged with a banker
at Tours. The next year, the king, seeing that Commynes was still
slow to decide, bade one of his councillors
to go to Tours, in his name, and seize at the banker's the six thousand
livres intrusted
to the latter by Commynes. “This”,
says the learned editor of the last edition of Commynes' Memoires,
“was an able and decisive blow. The effect of the seizure could not
but be, and indeed was, to put Commynes in the awkward dilemma of
seeing his practices (as the saying was at that time) divulged without
reaping the fruit of them, or of securing the advantages only by setting
aside the scruples which held him back. He chose the latter course,
which had become the safer; and during the night between the 7th and
8th of August, 1472, he left Burgundy forever. The king was at that
time at Ponts-de-Cé,
and there his new servant joined him”. The
very day of his departure, at six A. M., Duke Charles had a seizure
made of all the goods and all the rights belonging to the fugitive;
“but what Commynes lost on one side”, says his editor, “he was about
to recover a hundred fold on the other; scarcely had he arrived at
the court of Louis XI when he received at once the title of councilor
and chamberlain to the king; soon afterwards a pension of six thousand
livres of Tours was secured to him, by
way of giving him wherewithal to honorably maintain his position;
he was put into the place of captain of the castle and keep of the
town of Chinon; and lastly, a present
was made to him of the rich principality of Talmont”.
Six months later, in January, 1473, Commynes married Helen de Chambes,
daughter of the lord of Montsoreau, who
brought him as dowry twenty-seven thousand five hundred livres
of Tours, which enabled him to purchase the castle, town, barony,
land, and lordship of Argenton [arrondissement
of Bressuire, department of Deux-Sevres],
the title of which he thenceforward assumed. Half
a page or so can hardly be thought too much space to devote in a History
of France to the task of tracing to their origin the conduct and fortunes
of one of the most eminent French politicians, who, after having taken
a chief part in the affairs of their country and their epoch, have
dedicated themselves to the work of narrating them in a spirit of
liberal and admirable comprehension both of persons and events. But
we will return to Louis XI. THE
TREATY OF PECQUIGNY (1475). The
King of England readily entertained the overtures announced to him
by his herald. He had landed at Calais on the 22d of June, 1475, with
an army of from sixteen to eighteen thousand men thirsting for conquest
and pillage in France, and the Duke of Burgundy had promised to go
and join him with a considerable force; but the latter, after having
appeared for a moment at Calais to concert measures with his ally,
returned no more, and even hesitated about admitting the English into
his towns of Artois and Picardy. Edward waited for him nearly two
months at Péronne, but in vain. During
this time Louis continued his attempts at negotiation. He fixed his
quarters at Amiens, and Edward came and encamped half a league from
the town. The king sent to him, it is said, three hundred wagons laden
with the best wines he could find, “the which train”, says Commynes,
“was almost an army as big as the English”; at the entrance of the
gate of Amiens Louis had caused to be set out two large tables “laden
with all sorts of good eatables and good wines; and at each of these
two tables he had caused to be seated five or six men of good family,
stout and fat, to make better sport for them who had a mind to drink.
When the English went into the town, wherever they put up they had
nothing to pay; there were nine or ten taverns, well supplied, whither
they went to eat and drink, and asked for what they pleased. And this
lasted three or four days”. An agreement was soon come to as to the
terms of peace. King
Edward bound himself to withdraw with his army to England so soon
as Louis XI should have paid him seventy-five thousand crowns. Louis
promised besides to pay annually to King Edward fifty thousand crowns,
in two payments, during the time that both princes were alive. A truce
for seven years was concluded; they made mutual promises to lend each
other aid if they were attacked by their enemies or by their own subjects
in rebellion; and Prince Charles, the eldest son of Louis XI, was
to marry Elizabeth, Edward's daughter, when both should be of marriageable
age. Lastly, Queen Margaret of Anjou, who had been a prisoner in England
since the death of her husband, Henry VI, was to be set at liberty,
and removed to France, on renouncing all claim to the crown of England.
These conditions having been formulated, it was agreed that the two
kings should meet and sign them at Pecquigny,
on the Somme, three leagues from Amiens. Thither, accordingly, they
repaired, on the 29th of August, 1475. Edward, as he drew near, doffed
“his bonnet of black velvet, whereon was a large fleur-de-lis in jewels,
and bowed down to within half a foot of the ground”. Louis made an
equally deep reverence, saying, “Sir my cousin, right welcome; there
is no man in the world I could more desire to see than I do you, and
praised be God that we are here assembled with such good intent”.
The
King of England answered this speech “in good French enough”, says
Commynes. The missal was brought; the two kings swore and signed four
distinct treaties; and then they engaged in a long private conversation,
after which Louis went away to Amiens and Edward to his army, whither
Louis sent to him “all that he had need of, even to torches and candles”.
As he went chatting along the road with Commynes, Louis told him that
he had found the King of England so desirous of paying a visit to
Paris that he had been anything but pleased. “He
is a right handsome king”, said he: “he is very fond of women; and
he might well meet at Paris some smitten one who would know how to
make him such pretty speeches as to render him desirous of another
visit. His predecessors were far too much in Normandy and Paris; his
comradeship is worth nothing on our side of the sea; on the other
side, over yonder, I should like very well to have him for good brother
and good friend”. Throughout the whole course of the negotiation Louis
had shown pliancy and magnificence; he had laden Edward's chief courtiers
with presents; two thousand crowns by way of pension had been allowed
to his grand chamberlain, Lord Hastings, who would not give an acknowledgment.
“This
gift comes of the king your master's good pleasure, and not at my
request”, said he to Louis's steward; “if you would have me take it,
you shall slip it here inside my sleeve, and have no letter or voucher
beyond; I do not wish to have people saying, 'The grand chamberlain
of England was the King of France's pensioner,' or to have my acknowledgments
found in his exchequer-chamber”. Lord Hastings had not always been
so scrupulous, for, on the 15th of May, 1471, he had received from
the Duke of Burgundy a pension for which he had given an acknowledgment.
Another
Englishman, whose name is not given by Commynes, waxed wroth at hearing
someone say, “Six hundred pipes of wine and a pension given you by
the king soon sent you back to England”. “That
is certainly what everybody said”, answered the Englishman, “that
you might have the laugh against us. But call you the money the king
gives us pension? Why, it is tribute; and, by St. George, you may
perhaps talk so much about it as to bring us down upon you again!”
“There
was nothing in the world”, says Commynes, “of which the king was more
fearful than lest any word should escape him to make the English think
that they were being derided; at the same time that he was laboring
to gain them over, he was careful to humor their susceptibilities”;
and Commynes, under his schooling, had learned to understand them
well: “They are rather slow goers”, says he, “but you must have a
little patience with them, and not lose your temper ... I fancy that
to many it might appear that the king abased himself too much; but
the wise might well hold that the kingdom was in great danger, save
for the intervention of God, who did dispose the king's mind to choose
so wise a course, and did greatly trouble that of the Duke of Burgundy
... Our king knew well the nature of the King of England, who was
very fond of his ease and his pleasures: when he had concluded these
treaties with him, he ordered that the money should be found with
the greatest expedition, and everyone had to lend somewhat to help
to supply it on the spot. The king said that there was nothing in
the world he would not do to thrust the King of England out of the
realm, save only that he would never consent that the English should
have a bit of territory there; and, rather than suffer that, he would
put everything to jeopardy and risk”. Commynes
had good reason to say that the kingdom was in great peril. The intentions
of Charles the Rash tended to nothing short of bringing back the English
into France, in order to share it with them. He made no concealment
of it. “I am so fond of the kingdom”, said he, “that I would make
six of it in France”. He was passionately eager for the title of king.
He had put out feelers for it in the direction of Germany, and the
emperor, Frederic III, had promised it to him together with that of
vicar-general of the empire, on condition that his daughter, Mary
of Burgundy, married Duke Maximilian, Frederic’s son. Having been
unsuccessful on the Rhine, Charles turned once more towards the Thames,
and made alliance with Edward IV, King of England, with a view of
renewing the English invasion of France, flattering himself, of course,
that he would profit by it. To destroy the work of Joan of Arc and
Charles VII—such was the design, a criminal and a shameful one for
a French prince, which was checkmated by the peace of Pecquigny.
Charles himself acknowledged as much when, in his wrath at this treaty,
he said, “He had not sought to bring over the English into France
for any need he had of them, but to enable them to recover what belonged
to them”; and Louis XI was a patriotic king when he declared that
“there was nothing in the world he would not do to thrust the King
of England out of the realm, and, rather than suffer the English to
have a bit of territory in France, he would put everything to jeopardy
and risk”. DEATH
OF CHARLES OF VALOIS The
Duke of Burgundy, as soon as he found out that the King of France
had, under the name of truce, made peace for seven years with the
King of England, and that Edward IV had recrossed
the Channel with his army, saw that his attempts, so far, were a failure.
Accordingly he too lost no time in signing [on the 13th of September,
1475] a truce with King Louis for nine years, and directing his ambition
and aiming his blows against other quarters than Western France. Two
little states, his neighbors on the east, Lorraine and Switzerland,
became the object and the theatre of his passion for war. Lorraine
had at that time for its duke René II, of the house of Anjou through
his mother Yolande, a young prince who
was wavering, as so many others were, between France and Burgundy.
Charles suddenly entered Lorraine, took possession of several castles,
had the inhabitants who resisted hanged, besieged Nancy, which made
a valiant defense, and ended by conquering the capital as well as
the country-places, leaving Duke René no asylum but the court of Louis
XI, of whom the Lorraine prince had begged a support, which Louis,
after his custom, had promised without rendering it effectual. Charles
did not stop there. He had already been more than once engaged in
hostilities with his neighbors the Swiss; and he now learned that
they had just made a sanguinary raid upon the district of Vaud, the
domain of a petty prince of the house of Savoy, and a devoted servant
of the Duke of Burgundy. Scarcely two months after the capture of
Nancy, Charles set out, on the 11th of June, 1476, to go and avenge
his client, and wreak his haughty and turbulent humor upon these bold
peasants of the Alps. In
spite of the truce he had but lately concluded with Charles the Bold,
the prudent Louis did not cease to keep an attentive watch upon him,
and to reap advantage, against him, from the leisure secured to the
King of France by his peace with the King of England and the Duke
of Brittany. A late occurrence had still further strengthened his
position: his brother Charles, who became Duke of Guienne,
in 1469, after the treaty of Péronne,
had died on the 24th of May, 1472. There were sinister rumors abroad
touching his death. Louis was suspected, and even accused to the Duke
of Brittany, an intimate friend of the deceased prince, of having
poisoned his brother. He caused an inquiry to be instituted into the
matter; but the inquiry itself was accused of being incomplete and
inconclusive. “King Louis did not, possibly, cause his brother's death”,
says M. de Barante, “but nobody thought
him incapable of it”. The
will which Prince Charles had dictated a little before his death increased
the horror inspired by such a suspicion. He manifested in it a feeling
of affection and confidence towards the king his brother; he requested
him to treat his servants kindly; “and if in any way”, he added, “we
have ever offended our right dread and right well-beloved brother,
we do beg him to be pleased to forgive us; since, for our part, if
ever in any matter he hath offended us, we do affectionately pray
the Divine Majesty to forgive him, and with good courage and good
will do we on our part forgive him”. The Duke of Guienne
at the same time appointed the king executor of his will. If we acknowledge,
however, that Louis was not incapable of such a crime, it must be
admitted that there is no trust-worthy proof of his guilt. At any
rate his brother's death had important results for him. Not only did
it set him free from all fresh embarrassment in that direction, but
it also restored to him the beautiful province of Guienne,
and many a royal client. He treated the friends of Prince Charles,
whether they had or had not been heretofore his own, with marked attention.
He re-established at Bordeaux the parliament he had removed to Poitiers;
he pardoned the towns of Pezenas and
Montignac for some late seditions; and,
lastly, he took advantage of this incident to pacify and satisfy this
portion of the kingdom. Of the great feudal chieftains who, in 1464,
had formed against him the League of the common weal, the Duke of
Burgundy was the only one left on the scene, and in a condition to
put him in peril. DEFEAT
OF CHARLES THE BOLD AT GRANSON But
though here was for the future his only real adversary, Louis XI continued,
and with reason, to regard the Duke of Burgundy as his most formidable
foe, and never ceased to look about for means and allies wherewith
to encounter him. He could no longer count upon the co-operation,
more or less general, of the Flemings. His behavior to the Liegese
after the incident at Péronne, and his
share in the disaster which befell Liège, had lost him all his credit
in the Flemish cities. The Flemings, besides, had been disheartened
and disgusted at the idea of compromising themselves for or against
their Burgundian prince. When they saw
him entering upon the campaign in Lorraine and Switzerland, they themselves
declared to him what he might or might not expect from them. “If
he were pressed”, they said, “by the Germans or the Swiss, and had
not with him enough men to make his way back freely to his own borders,
he had only to let them know, and they would expose their persons
and their property to go after him and fetch him back safely within
his said borders, but as for making war again at his instance, they
were not free to aid him any more with either men or money”. Louis
XI, then, had nothing to expect from the Flemings anymore; but for
two years past, and so soon as he observed the commencement of hostilities
between the Duke of Burgundy and the Swiss, he had paved the way for
other alliances in that quarter. In 1473 he had sent “to the most
high and mighty lords and most dear friends of ours, them of the league
and city of Berne and of the great and little league of Germany, ambassadors
charged to make proposals to them, if they would come to an understanding
to be friends of friends and foes of foes” (make an offensive and
defensive alliance). The proposal was brought before the diet of the
cantons assembled at Lucerne. The King of France “regretted that the
Duke of Burgundy would not leave the Swiss in peace; he promised that
his advice and support, whether in men or in money, should not be
wanting to them; he offered to each canton an annual friendly donation
of two thousand livres; and he engaged
not to summon their valiant warriors to take service save in case
of pressing need, and unless Switzerland were herself at war”. The
question was discussed with animation; the cantons were divided; some
would have nothing to do with either the alliance or the money of
Louis XI, of whom they spoke with great distrust and antipathy; others
insisted upon the importance of being supported by the King of France
in their quarrels with the Duke of Burgundy, and scornfully repudiated
the fear that the influence and money of Louis would bring a taint
upon the independence and the good morals of their country. The latter
opinion carried the day; and, on the 2d of October, 1474, conformably
with a treaty concluded, on the 10th of the previous January, between
the King of France and the league of Swiss cantons, the canton of
Berne made to the French legation the following announcement: “If,
in the future, the said lords of the league asked help from the King
of France against the Duke of Burgundy, and if the said lord king,
being engaged in his own wars, could not help them with men, in this
case he should cause to be lodged and handed over to them, in the
city of Lyons, twenty thousand Rhenish florins every quarter of a
year, as long as the war actually continued; and we, on our part,
do promise, on our faith and honor, that every time and however many
times the said lord king shall ask help from the said lords of the
league, we will take care that they do help him and aid him with six
thousand men in his wars and expeditions, according to the tenor of
the late alliance and union made between them, howbeit on payment”.
A
Bernese messenger carried this announcement to the Burgundian
camp before the fortress of Neuss, and delivered it into the hands
of Duke Charles himself, whose only remark, as he ground his teeth,
was, “Ah! Berne! Berne!” At the beginning of January, 1476, he left
Nancy, of which he had recently gained possession, returned to Besançon,
and started thence on the 6th of February to take the field with an
army amounting, it is said, to thirty or forty thousand men, provided
with a powerful artillery and accompanied by an immense baggage-train,
wherein Charles delighted to display his riches and magnificence in
contrast with the simplicity and roughness of his personal habits.
At the rumor of such an armament the Swiss attempted to keep off the
war from their country. “I
have heard tell”, says Commynes, “by a knight of theirs, who had been
sent by them to the said duke, that he told him that against them
he could gain nothing, for that their country was very barren and
poor; that there were no good prisoners to make, and that the spurs
and the horses' bits in his own army were worth more money than all
the people of their territory could pay in ransom even if they were
taken”. Charles, however, gave no heed, saw nothing in their representations
but an additional reason for hurrying on his movements with confidence,
and on the 19th of February arrived before Granson,
a little town in the district of Vaud, where war had already begun.
Louis
XI watched all these incidents closely, keeping agents everywhere,
treating secretly with everybody, with the Duke of Burgundy as well
as with the Swiss, knowing perfectly well what he wanted, but holding
himself ready to face anything, no matter what the event might be.
When he saw that the crisis was coming, he started from Tours and
went to take up his quarters at Lyons, close to the theatre of war
and within an easy distance for speedy information and prompt action.
Scarcely had he arrived, on the 4th of March, when he learned that,
on the day but one before, Duke Charles had been tremendously beaten
by the Swiss at Granson; the squadrons
of his chivalry had not been able to make any impression upon the
battalions of Berne, Schwitz, Soleure,
and Fribourg, armed with pikes eighteen feet long; and at sight of
the mountaineers marching with huge strides and lowered heads upon
their foes and heralding their advance by the lowings
of the bull of Uri and the cow of Unterwalden,
two enormous instruments made of buffalo-horn, and given, it was said,
to their ancestors by Charlemagne, the whole Burgundian
army, seized with panic, had dispersed in all directions, “like smoke
before the northern blast”. Charles himself had been forced to fly
with only five horsemen, it is said, for escort, leaving all his camp,
artillery, treasure, oratory, jewels, down to his very cap garnished
with precious stones and his collar of the Golden Fleece, in the hands
of the “poor Swiss”, astounded at their booty and having no suspicion
of its value. “They sold the silver plate for a few pence, taking
it for pewter”, says M. de Barante. Those
magnificent silks and velvets, that cloth of gold and damask, that
Flanders lace, and those carpets from Arras which were found heaped
up in chests, were cut in pieces and distributed by the ell, like
common canvas in a village shop. The duke's large diamond which he
wore round his neck, and which had once upon a time glittered in the
crown of the Great Mogul, was found on the road, inside a little box
set with fine pearls. The man who picked it up kept the box and threw
away the diamond as a mere bit of glass. Afterwards he thought better
of it; went to look for the stone, found it under a wagon, and sold
it for a crown to a clergyman of the neighborhood. “There was nothing
saved but the bare life”, says Commynes. That
even the bare life was saved was a source of sorrow to Louis XI in
the very midst of his joy at the defeat. He was, nevertheless, most
proper in his behavior and language towards Duke Charles, who sent
to him Sire de Contay “with humble and
gracious words, which was contrary to his nature and his custom”,
says Commynes; “but see how an hour's time changed him; he prayed
the king to be pleased to observe loyally the truce concluded between
them, he excused himself for not having appeared at the interview
which was to have taken place at Auxerre, and he bound himself to
be present, shortly, either there or elsewhere, according to the king's
good pleasure”. Louis promised him all he asked, “for”, adds Commynes,
“it did not seem to him time, as yet, to do other-wise”; and he gave
the duke the good advice “to return home and bide there quietly, rather
than go on stubbornly warring with yon folks of the Alps, so poor
that there was nought to gain by taking
their lands, but valiant and obstinate in battle”." DEFAT
OF CHARLES AT MORAT Louis
might give this advice fearlessly, being quite certain that Charles
would not follow it. The latter’s defeat at Granson
had thrown him into a state of gloomy irritation. At Lausanne, where
he stayed for some time, he had “a great sickness, proceeding”, says
Commynes, “from grief and sadness on account of this shame that he
had suffered; and, to tell the truth, I think that never since was
his understanding so good as it had been before this battle”. Before
he fell ill, on the 12th of March, Charles issued orders from his
camp before Lausanne to his lieutenant at Luxembourg to put under
arrest “and visit with the extreme penalty of death, without waiting
for other command from us, all the men-at-arms, archers, cross-bowmen,
infantry, or other soldiery” who had fled or dispersed after the disaster
at Granson; “and as to those who be newly
coming into our service it is ordered by us that they, on pain of
the same punishment, do march towards us with all diligence; and if
they make any delay, our pleasure is that you proceed against them
in the manner hereinabove declared without fail in any way”. With
such fiery and ruthless energy Charles collected a fresh army, having
a strength, it is said, of from twenty-five to thirty thousand men,
Burgundians, Flemings, Italians, and English; and after having reviewed
it on the platform above Lausanne, he set out on the 27th of May,
1476, and pitched his camp on the 10th of June before the little town
of Morat, six leagues from Berne, giving
notice everywhere that it was war to the death that he intended. The
Swiss were expecting it, and were prepared for it. The energy of pride
was going to be pitted against the energy of patriotism. “The
Duke of Burgundy is here with all his forces, his Italian mercenaries
and some traitors of Germans”, said the letter written to the Bernese
by the governor of Morat, Adrian of Bubenberg;
“the gentlemen of the magistracy, of the council, and of the burgherhood
may be free from fear and hurry, and may set at rest the minds of
all our confederates: I will defend Morat”;
and he swore to the garrison and the inhabitants that he would put
to death the first who should speak of surrender. Morat
had been for ten days holding out against the whole army of the Burgundians;
the confederate Swiss were arriving successively at Berne; and the
men of Zurich alone were late. Their fellow-countryman, Hans Waldmann,
wrote to them: “We positively must give battle or we are lost, every
one of us. The Burgundians are three times more numerous than they
were at Granson, but we shall manage
to pull through. With God’s help great honor awaits us. Do not fail
to come as quickly as possible”. On the 21st of June, in the evening,
the Zurichers arrived. “Ha!”
the duke was just saying, “have these hounds lost heart, pray? I was
told that we were about to get at them”. Next
day, the 22d of June, after a pelting rain and with the first gleams
of the returning sun, the Swiss attacked the Burgundian
camp. A man-at-arms came and told the duke, who would not believe
it, and dismissed the messenger with a coarse insult, but hurried,
nevertheless, to the point of attack. The battle was desperate; but
before the close of the day it was hopelessly lost by the Burgundians.
Charles had still three thousand horse, but he saw them break up,
and he himself had great difficulty in getting away, with merely a
dozen men behind him, and reaching Merges, twelve leagues from Morat.
Eight or ten thousand of his men had fallen, more than half, it is
said, killed in cold blood after the fight. Never had the Swiss been
so dead set against their foes; and “as cruel as at Morat”
was for a long while a common expression. “The
king”, says Commynes, “always willingly gave somewhat to him who was
the first to bring him some great news, without forgetting the messenger,
and he took pleasure in speaking thereof before the news came, saying,
'I will give so much to him who first brings me such and such news.'
My lord of Bouchage and I (being together)
had the first message about the battle of Morat,
and told it both together to the king, who gave each of us two hundred
marks of silver”. Next
day Louis, as prudent in the hour of joy as of reverse, wrote to Count
de Dampmartin, who was in command of
his troops concentrated at Senlis, with
orders to hold himself in readiness for any event, but still carefully
observe the truce with the Duke of Burgundy. Charles at that time
was thinking but little of Louis and their truce; driven to despair
by the disaster at Morat, but more dead
set than ever on the struggle, he repaired from Morges
to Gex, and from Gex
to Salins, and summoned successively,
in July and August, at Salins, at Dijon,
at Brussels, and at Luxembourg the estates of his various domains,
making to all of them an appeal, at the same time supplicatory and
imperious, calling upon them for a fresh army with which to recommence
the war with the Swiss, and fresh subsidies with which to pay it.
“If
ever”, said he, “you have desired to serve us and do us pleasure,
see to doing and accomplishing all that is bidden you; make no default
in anything whatsoever, and he henceforth in dread of the punishments
which may ensue”. But there was everywhere a feeling of disgust with
the service of Duke Charles; there was no more desire of serving him
and no more fear of disobeying him; he encountered almost everywhere
nothing but objections, complaints, and refusals, or else a silence
and an inactivity which were still worse. Indignant, dismayed, and
dumbfounded at such desertion, Charles retired to his castle of La
Rivière, between Pontarlier and Joux,
and shut himself up there for more than six weeks, without, however,
giving up the attempt to collect soldiers. “Howbeit”,
says Commynes, “he made but little of it; he kept himself quite solitary,
and he seemed to do it from sheer obstinacy more than anything else.
His natural heat was so great that he used to drink no wine, generally
took barley-water in the morning and ate preserved rose-leaves to
keep himself cool; but sorrow changed his complexion so much that
he was obliged to drink good strong wine without water, and, to bring
the blood back to his heart, burning tow was put into cupping- glasses,
and they were applied thus heated to the region of the heart. Such
are the passions of those who have never felt adversity, especially
of proud princes who know not how to discover any remedy. The first
refuge, in such a case, is to have recourse to God, to consider whether
one have offended Him in aught, and to confess one's misdeeds. After
that, what does great good is to converse with some friend, and not
be ashamed to show one's grief before him, for that lightens and comforts
the heart; and not at any rate to take the course the duke took of
concealing himself and keeping himself solitary; he was so terrible
to his own folks that none durst come forward to give him any comfort
or counsel; but all left him to do as he pleased, feeling that, if
they made him any remonstrance, it would be the worse for them”. DEATH
OF CHARLES THE BOLD But
events take no account of the fears and weaknesses of men. Charles
learned before long that the Swiss were not his most threatening foes,
and that he had something else to do instead of going after them amongst
their mountains. During his two campaigns against them, the Duke of
Lorraine, René II, whom he had despoiled of his dominions and driven
from Nancy, had been wandering amongst neighboring princes and people
in France, Germany, and Switzerland, at the courts of Louis XI and
the Emperor Frederic III, on visits to the patricians of Berne, and
in the free towns of the Rhine. He was young, sprightly, amiable,
and brave; he had nowhere met with great assistance, but he had been
well received, and certain promises had been made him. When he saw
the contest so hotly commenced between the Duke of Burgundy and the
Swiss, he resolutely put himself at the service of the republican
mountaineers, fought for them in their ranks, and powerfully contributed
to their victory at Morat. The
defeat of Charles and his retreat to his castle of La Riviere
gave René new hopes, and gained him some credit amongst the powers
which had hitherto merely testified towards him a good will of but
little value; and his partisans in Lorraine recovered confidence in
his fortunes. One day, as he was at his prayers in a church, a rich
widow, Madame Walther, came up to him in her mantle and hood, made
him a deep reverence, and handed him a purse of gold to help him in
winning back his duchy. The city of Strasbourg gave him some cannon,
four hundred cavalry, and eight hundred infantry; Louis XI lent him
some money; and René before long found himself in a position to raise
a small army and retake Epinal, Saint-Did,
Vaudemont, and the majority of the small
towns in Lorraine. He then went and laid siege to Nancy. The
Duke of Burgundy had left there as governor John de Rubempré,
lord of Sièvres, with a feeble garrison,
which numbered amongst its ranks three hundred English, picked men.
Sire de Sièvres sent message after message
to Charles, who did not even reply to him. The town was short of provisions;
the garrison was dispirited; and the commander of the English was
killed. Sire de Sièvres, a loyal servant,
but a soldier of but little energy, determined to capitulate. On the
6th of October, 1476, he evacuated the place at the head of his men,
all safe in person and property. At sight of him René dismounted,
and handsomely went forward to meet him, saying, “Sir, my good uncle,
I thank you for having so courteously governed my duchy; if you find
it agreeable to remain with me, you shall fare the same as myself”.
“Sir”,
answered Sire de Sièvres, “I hope that
you will not think ill of me for this
war; I very much wish that my lord of Burgundy had never begun it,
and I am much afraid that neither he nor I will see the end of it”.
Sire
de Sièvres had no idea how true a prophet
he was. Almost at the very moment when he was capitulating, Duke Charles,
throwing off his sombre apathy, was once
more entering Lorraine with all the troops he could collect, and on
the 22d of October he in his turn went and laid siege to Nancy. Duke
René, not considering himself in a position to maintain the contest
with only such forces as he had with him, determined to quit Nancy
in person and go in search of re-enforcements at a distance, at the
same time leaving in the town a not very numerous but a devoted garrison,
which, together with the inhabitants, promised to hold out for two
months. And it did hold out whilst Rendé
was visiting Strasbourg, Berne, Zurich, and Lucerne, presenting himself
before the councils of these petty republics with, in order to please
them, a tame bear behind him, which he left at the doors, and promising,
thanks to Louis XI's agents in Switzerland, extraordinary pay. He
thus obtained auxiliaries to the number of eight thousand fighting
men. He had, moreover, in the very camp of the Duke of Burgundy, a
secret ally, an Italian condottiere, the Count of Campo-Basso, who,
either from personal hatred or on grounds of interest, was betraying
the master to whom he had bound himself. The year before, he had made
an offer to Louis XI to go over to him with his troops during a battle,
or to hand over to him the Duke of Burgundy, dead or alive. Louis
mistrusted the traitor, and sent Charles notice of the offers made
by Campo-Basso. But Charles mistrusted Louis's information, and kept
Campo-Basso in his service. A little before the battle of Morat
Louis had thought better of his scruples or his doubts, and had accepted,
with the compensation of a pension, the kind offices of Campo-Basso.
When the war took place in Lorraine, the condottiere, whom Duke Charles
had one day grossly insulted, entered into communication with Duke
René also, and took secret measures for insuring the failure of the
Burgundian attempts upon Nancy. Such
was the position of the two princes and the two armies, when, on the
4th of June, 1477, René, having returned with re-enforcements to Lorraine,
found himself confronted with Charles, who was still intent upon the
siege of Nancy. The Duke of Burgundy assembled his captains. “Well!”
said he, “since these drunken scoundrels are upon us, and are coming
here to look for meat and drink, what ought we to do?” The
majority of those present were of opinion that the right thing to
do was to fall back into the duchy of Luxembourg, there to recruit
the enfeebled army. “Duke René”, they said, “is poor; he will not
be able to bear very long the expense of the war, and his allies will
leave him as soon as he has no more money; wait but a little, and
success is certain”. Charles
flew into a passion. “My
father and I”, said he, “knew how to thrash these Lorrainers;
and we will make them remember it. By St. George! I will not fly before
a boy, before René of Vaudemont, who
is coming at the head of this scum. He has not so many men with him
as people think; the Germans have no idea of leaving their stoves
in winter. This evening we will deliver the assault against the town,
and tomorrow we will give battle”. And
the next day, January the 5th, the battle did take place, in the plain
of Nancy. The Duke of Burgundy assumed his armor very early in the
morning. When he put on his helmet, the gilt lion, which formed the
crest of it, fell off. “That is a sign from God!” said he; but, nevertheless,
he went and drew up his army in line of battle. The day but one before,
Campo-Basso had drawn off his troops to a considerable distance; and
he presented himself before Duke René, having taken off his red scarf
and his cross of St. Andrew, and being quite ready, he said, to give
proofs of his zeal on the spot. René spoke about it to his Swiss captains.
“We
have no mind”, said they, “to have this traitor of an Italian fighting
beside us; our fathers never made use of such folk or such practices
in order to conquer”. And Campo-Basso held aloof. The battle began
in gloomy weather, and beneath heavy flakes of snow, lasted but a
short time, and was not at all murderous in the actual conflict, but
the pursuit was terrible. Campo-Basso and his troops held the bridge
of Bouxières, by which the Burgundian
fugitives would want to pass; and the Lorrainerss
of René and his Swiss and German allies scoured the country, killing
all with whom they fell in. René returned to Nancy in the midst of
a population whom his victory had delivered from famine as well as
war. “To show him what sufferings they had endured”, says M. de Barante,
“they conceived the idea of piling up in a heap, before the door of
his hostel, the heads of the horses, dogs, mules, cats, and other
unclean animals which had for several weeks past been the only food
of the besieged”. When
the first burst of joy was over, the question was, what had become
of the Duke of Burgundy; nobody had a notion; and his body was not
found amongst the dead in any of the places where his most valiant
and faithful warriors had fallen. The rumor ran that he was not dead;
some said that one of his servants had picked him up wounded on the
field of battle, and was taking care of him, none knew where; and
according to others, a German lord had made him prisoner, and carried
him off beyond the Rhine. “Take
good heed”, said many people, “how ye comport yourselves otherwise
than if he were still alive, for his vengeance would be terrible on
his return”. On the evening of the day after the battle, the Count
of Campo-Basso brought to Duke René a young Roman page who, he said,
had from a distance seen his master fall, and could easily find the
spot again. Under his guidance a move was made towards a pond hard
by the town; and there, half buried in the slush of the pond, were
some dead bodies, lying stripped. A poor washerwoman, amongst the
rest, had joined in the search; she saw the glitter of a jewel in
the ring upon one of the fingers of a corpse whose face was not visible;
she went forward, turned the body over, and at once cried, “Ah! my
prince!” There was a rush to the spot immediately. As the head was
being detached from the ice to which it stuck, the skin came off,
and a large wound was discovered. On examining the body with care,
it was unhesitatingly recognized to be that of Charles, by his doctor,
by his chaplain, by Oliver de la Marche, his chamberlain, and by several
grooms of the chamber; and certain marks, such as the scar of the
wound he had received at Montlhéry, and
the loss of two teeth, put their assertion beyond a doubt. As soon
as Duke René knew that they had at last found the body of the Duke
of Burgundy, he had it removed to the town, and laid on a bed of state
of black velvet, under a canopy of black satin. It was dressed in
a garment of white satin; a ducal crown, set with precious stones,
was placed on the disfigured brow; the lower limbs were cased in scarlet,
and on the heels were gilded spurs. The Duke of Lorraine went and
sprinkled holy water on the corpse of his unhappy rival, and, taking
the dead hand beneath the pall, “Ah! dear cousin”, said he, with tears
in his eyes. “For
the time that I knew him he was not cruel; but he became so before
his death, and that was a bad omen for a long existence. He was very
sumptuous in dress and in all other matters, and a little too much
so. He showed very great honor to ambassadors and foreign folks; they
were right well feasted and entertained by him. He was desirous of
great glory, and it was that more than ought else that brought him
into his wars; he would have been right glad to be like to those ancient
princes of whom there has been so much talk after their death; he
was as bold a man as any that reigned in his day ... After the long
felicity and great riches of this house of Burgundy, and after three
great princes, good and wise, who had lasted six score years and more
in good sense and virtue, God gave this people the Duke Charles, who
kept them constantly in great war, travail, and expense, and almost
as much in winter as in summer. Many rich and comfortable folks were
dead or ruined in prison during these wars. The great losses began
in front of Neuss, and continued through three or four battles up
to the hour of his death; and at that hour all the strength of his
country was sapped; and dead, or ruined, or captive, were all who
could or would have defended the dominions and the honor of his house.
Thus it seems that this loss was an equal set-off to the time of their
felicity. "Please God to forgive Duke Charles his sins!” To
this pious wish of Commynes, after so judicious a sketch, we may add
another: Please God that people may no more suffer themselves to be
taken captive by the corrupting and ruinous pleasures procured for
them by their masters’ grand but wicked or foolish enterprises, and
may learn to give to the men who govern them a glory in proportion
to the wisdom and justice of their deeds, and by no means to the noise
they make and the risks they sow broadcast around them! MARY
OF BURGUNDY The
news of the death of Charles the Rash was for Louis XI an unexpected
and unhoped-for blessing, and one in which he could scarcely believe.
The news reached him on the 9th of January, at the castle of Plessis-les-
Tours, by the medium of a courier sent to him by George de la Tremoille,
Sire de Craon, commanding his troops
on the frontier of Lorraine. “Insomuch
as this house of Burgundy was greater and more powerful than the others”,
says Commynes, “was the pleasure great for the king more than all
the others together; it was the joy of seeing himself set above all
those he hated, and above his principal foes; it might well seem to
him that he would never in his life meet any to gainsay him in his
kingdom, or in the neighborhood near him”. He
replied the same day to Sire de Craon,
“Sir Count, my good friend, I have received your letters, and the
good news you have brought to my knowledge, for which I thank you
as much as I am able. Now is the time for you to employ all your five
natural wits to put the duchy and countship
of Burgundy in my hands. And, to that end, place yourself with your
band and the governor of Champagne, if so be that the Duke of Burgundy
is dead, within the said country, and take care, for the dear love
you bear me, that you maintain amongst the men of war the best order,
just as if you were inside Paris; and make known to them that I am
minded to treat them and keep them better than any in my kingdom;
and that, in respect of our god-daughter, I have an intention of completing
the marriage that I have already had in contemplation between my lord
the dauphin and her. Sir Count, I consider it understood that
you will not enter the said country, or make mention of that which
is written above, unless the Duke of Burgundy be dead. And, in any
case, I pray you to serve me in accordance with the confidence I have
in you. And adieu!” Beneath
the discreet reserve inspired by a remnant of doubt concerning the
death of his enemy, this letter contained the essence of Louis XI's
grand and very natural stroke of policy. Charles the Rash had left
only a daughter, Mary of Burgundy, sole heiress of all his dominions.
To annex this magnificent heritage to the crown of France by the marriage
of the heiress with the dauphin who was one day to be Charles
VIII, was clearly for the best interests of the nation as well as
of the French kingship, and such had, accordingly, been Louis XI's
first idea. “When
the Duke of Burgundy was still alive”, says Commynes, “many a time
spoke the king to me of what he would do if the duke should happen
to die; and he spoke most reasonably, saying that he would try to
make a match between his son (who is now our king) and the said duke's
daughter (who was afterwards Duchess of Austria); and if she were
not minded to hear of it for that my lord, the dauphin, was
much younger than she, he would essay to get her married to some younger
lord of this realm, for to keep her and her subjects in amity, and
to recover without dispute that which he claimed as his; and still
was the said lord on this subject a week before he knew of the said
duke's death ... Howbeit it seems that the king our master took not
hold of matters by the end by which he should have taken hold for
to come out triumphant, and to add to his crown all those great lordships,
either by sound title or by marriage, as easily he might have done”.
Commynes
does not explain or specify clearly the mistake with which he reproaches
his master. Louis XI, in spite of his sound sense and correct appreciation,
generally, of the political interests of France and of his crown,
allowed himself on this great occasion to be swayed by secondary considerations
and personal questions. His son's marriage with the heiress of Burgundy
might cause some embarrassment in his relations with Edward IV, King
of England, to whom he had promised the dauphin as a husband
for his daughter Elizabeth, who was already sometimes called, in England,
the Dauphiness. In
1477, at the death of the duke her father, Mary
of Burgundy was twenty years old, and Charles, the dauphin,
was barely eight. There was another question, a point of feudal law,
as to whether Burgundy, properly so called, was a fief which women
could inherit, or a fief which, in default of a male heir, must lapse
to the suzerain. Several of the Flemish towns which belonged to the
Duke of Burgundy were weary of his wars and his violence, and showed
an inclination to pass over to the sway of the King of France. All
these facts offered pretexts, opportunities, and chances of success
for that course of egotistical pretension and cunning intrigue in
which Louis delighted and felt confident of his ability; and into
it he plunged after the death of Charles the Rash. Though he still
spoke of his desire of marrying his son, the dauphin, to Mary
of Burgundy, it was no longer his dominant and ever-present idea.
Instead of taking pains to win the good will and the heart of Mary
herself, he labored with his usual zeal and address to dispute her
rights, to despoil her brusquely of one or another town in her dominions,
to tamper with her servants, or excite against them the wrath of the
populace. Two of the most devoted and most able amongst them, Hugonet,
chancellor of Burgundy, and Sire d'Humbercourt,
were the victims of Louis XI's hostile manoeuvres
and of blind hatred on the part of the Ghentese;
and all the Princess Mary's passionate entreaties were powerless both
with the king and with the Flemings to save them from the scaffold.
And so Mary, alternately threatened or duped, attacked in her just
rights or outraged in her affections, being driven to extremity, exhibited
a resolution never to become the daughter of a prince unworthy of
the confidence, she, poor orphan, had placed in the spiritual tie
which marked him out as her protector. “I
understand”, said she, “that my father had arranged my marriage with
the emperor's son; I have no mind for any other”. Louis in his alarm
tried all sorts of means, seductive and violent, to prevent such a
reverse. He went in person amongst the Walloon and Flemish provinces
belonging to Mary. “That I come into this country”, said he to the
inhabitants of Quesnoy, “is for nothing
but the interests of Mdlle. de Burgundy,
my well-beloved cousin and god-daughter ... Of her wicked advisers
some would have her espouse the son of the Duke of Cleves; but he
is a prince of far too little lustre
for so illustrious a princess; I know that he has a bad sore on his
leg; he is a drunkard, like all Germans, and, after drinking, he will
break his glass over her head, and beat her. Others would ally her
with the English, the kingdom's old enemies, who all lead bad lives:
there are some who would give her for her husband the emperor's son,
but those princes of the imperial house are the most avaricious in
the world; they will carry off Mdlle.
de Burgundy to Germany, a strange land and a coarse, where she will
know no consolation, whilst your land of Hainault will be left without
any lord to govern and defend it. If my fair cousin were well advised,
she would espouse the dauphin; you speak French, you Walloon
people; you want a prince of France, not a German. As for me, I esteem
the folks of Hainault more than any nation in the world; there is
none more noble, and in my sight a hind of Hainault is worth more
than a grand gentleman of any other country”. At
the very time that he was using such flattering language to the good
folks of Hainault, he was writing to the Count de Dampmartin,
whom he had charged with the repression of insurrection in the country-parts
of Ghent and Bruges, “Sir Grand Master, I send you some mowers to
cut down the crop you wot off; put them,
I pray you, to work, and spare not some casks of wine to set them
drinking, and to make them drunk. I pray you, my friend, let there
be no need to return a second time to do the mowing, for you are as
much crown-officer as I am, and, if I am king, you are grand master”.
Dampmartin executed the king's orders
without scruple; and at the season of harvest the Flemish country-places
were devastated. “Little birds of heaven”, cries the Flemish chronicler
Molinet, “ye who are wont to haunt our
fields and rejoice our hearts with your amorous notes, now seek out
other countries; get ye hence from our tillages,
for the king of the mowers of France hath done worse to us than do
the tempests”. All
the efforts of Louis XI, his winning speeches, and his ruinous deeds,
did not succeed in averting the serious check he dreaded. On the 18th
of August, 1477, seven months after the battle of Nancy and the death
of Charles the Rash, Arch-duke Maximilian, son of the Emperor Frederick
III, arrived at Ghent to wed Mary of Burgundy. “The moment he caught
sight of his betrothed”, say the Flemish chroniclers, “they both bent
down to the ground and turned as pale as death—a sign of mutual love
according to some, an omen of unhappiness according to others”. Next
day, August 19, the marriage was celebrated with great simplicity
in the chapel of the Hotel de Ville; and Maximilian swore to respect
the privileges of Ghent. A few days afterwards he renewed the same
oath at Bruges, in the midst of decorations bearing the modest device,
“Most glorious prince, defend us lest we perish”. Not only did Louis
XI thus fail in his first wise design of incorporating with France,
by means of a marriage between his son the dauphin and Princess
Mary, the heritage of the Dukes of Burgundy, but he suffered the heiress
and a great part of the heritage to pass into the hands of the son
of the German emperor; and thereby he paved the way for that determined
rivalry between the houses of France and Austria, which was a source
of so many dangers and woes to both states during three centuries.
It
is said that in 1745, when Louis XV, after the battle of Fontenoy,
entered Bruges cathedral, he remarked, as he gazed on the tombs of
the Austro-Burgundian princes, “There
is the origin of all our wars”. In vain, when the marriage of Maximilian
and Mary was completed, did Louis XI attempt to struggle against his
new and dangerous neighbor; his campaigns in the Flemish provinces,
in 1478 and 1479, had no great result; he lost, on the 7th of August,
1479, the battle of Guinegate, between
St. Omer and Térouenne; and before long,
tired of war, which was not his favorite theatre for the display of
his abilities, he ended by concluding with Maximilian a truce at first,
and then a peace, which in spite of some conditionals favorable to
France, left the principal and the fatal consequences of the Austro-Burgundian
marriage to take full effect. This event marked the stoppage of that
great, national policy which had prevailed during the first part of
Louis XI's reign.
THE
KING’S JUSTICE Joan
of Arc and Charles VII had driven the English from France; and for
sixteen years Louis XI had, by fighting and gradually destroying the
great vassals who made alliance with them, prevented them from regaining
a footing there. That was work as salutary as it was glorious for
the nation and the French kingship. At the death of Charles the Rash,
the work was accomplished; Louis XI was the only power left in France,
without any great peril from without, and without any great rival
within; but he then fell under the sway of mistaken ideas and a vicious
spirit. The infinite resources of his mind, the agreeableness of his
conversation, his perseverance combined with the pliancy of his will,
the services he was rendering France, the successes he in the long
ruin frequently obtained, and his ready apparent resignation under
his reverses, for a while made up for or palliated his faults, his
falsehoods, his perfidies, his iniquities; but when evil is predominant
at the bottom of a man’s soul, he cannot do without youth and success;
he cannot make head against age and decay, reverse of fortune and
the approach of death; and so Louis XI when old in years, master-power
still though beaten in his last game of policy, appeared to all as
he really was and as he had been prediscerned
to be by only such eminent observers as Commynes, that is, a crooked,
swindling, utterly selfish, vindictive, cruel man. Not
only did he hunt down implacably the men who, after having served
him, had betrayed or deserted him; he reveled in the vengeance he
took and the sufferings he inflicted on them. He had raised to the
highest rank both in state and church the son of a cobbler, or, according
to others, of a tailor, one John de Balue,
born in 1421, at the market-town of Angles, in Poitou. After having
chosen him, as an intelligent and a clever young priest, for his secretary
and almoner, Louis made him successively clerical councilor in the
parliament of Paris, then Bishop of Evreux, and afterwards cardinal;
and he employed him in his most private affairs. It was a hobby of
his thus to make the fortunes of men born in the lowest stations,
hoping that, since they would owe everything to him, they would never
depend on any but him. It is scarcely credible that so keen and contemptuous
a judge of human nature could have reckoned on dependence as a pledge
of fidelity. And in this case Louis was, at any rate, mistaken; Balue
was a traitor to him, and in 1468, at the very time of the incident
at Péronne, he was secretly in the service
of Duke Charles of Burgundy, and betrayed to him the interests and
secrets of his master and benefactor. In
1469 Louis obtained material proof of the treachery; and he immediately
had Balue arrested and put on his trial.
The cardinal confessed everything, asking only to see the king. Louis
gave him an interview on the way from Amboise to Notre-Dame de Clery;
and they were observed, it is said, conversing for two hours, as they
walked together on the road. The trial and condemnation of a cardinal
by a civil tribunal was a serious business with the court of Rome.
The king sent commissioners to Pope Paul II: the pope complained of
the procedure, but amicably and without persistence. The cardinal
was in prison at Loches; and Louis resolved
to leave him there forever, without any more fuss. But at the same
time that, out of regard for the dignity of cardinal, which he had
himself requested of the pope for the culprit, he dispensed with the
legal condemnation to capital punishment, he was bent upon satisfying
his vengeance, and upon making Balue
suffer in person for his crime. He therefore had him confined in a
cage, “eight feet broad”, says Commynes, “and only one foot higher
than a man’s stature, covered with iron plates outside and inside,
and fitted with terrible bars”. There is still to be seen in Loches
castle, under the name of the Balue cage,
that instrument of prison-torture which the cardinal, it is said,
himself invented. In it he passed eleven years, and it was not until
1480 that he was let out, at the solicitation of Pope Sixtus IV, to
whom Louis XI, being old and ill, thought he could not possibly refuse
this favor. He remembered, perhaps, at that time how that, sixteen
years before, in writing to his lieutenant-general in Poitou to hand
over to Balue, Bishop of Evreux, the
property of a certain abbey, he said, “He is a devilish good bishop
just now; I know not what he will be hereafter”. He
was still more pitiless towards a man more formidable and less subordinate,
both in character and origin, than Cardinal Balue.
Louis of Luxembourg, Count of St. Pol, had been from his youth up
engaged in the wars and intrigues of the sovereigns and great feudal
lords of Western Europe—France, England, Germany, Burgundy, Brittany,
and Lorraine. From 1433 to 1475 he served and betrayed them all in
turn, seeking and obtaining favors, incurring and braving rancor,
at one time on one side and at another time on another, acting as
constable of France and as diplomatic agent for the Duke of Burgundy,
raising troops and taking towns for Louis XI, for Charles the Rash,
for Edward IV, for the German emperor, and trying nearly always to
keep for himself what he had taken on another's account. The truth
is, that he was constantly occupied with the idea of making for himself
an independent dominion, and becoming a great sovereign. “He was”,
says Duclos, “powerful from his possessions,
a great captain, more ambitious than politic, and, from his ingratitude
and his perfidies, worthy of his tragic end”. His various patrons
grew tired at last of being incessantly taken up with and then abandoned,
served and then betrayed; and they mutually interchanged proofs of
the desertions and treasons to which they had been victims. In
1475 Louis of Luxembourg saw a storm threatening; and he made application
for a safe-conduct to Charles the Rash, who had been the friend of
his youth. “Tell him”, replied Charles to the messenger, “that he
has forfeited his paper and his hope as well”; and he gave orders
to detain him. As soon as Louis XI knew whither the constable had
retired, he demanded of the Duke of Burgundy to give him up, as had
been agreed between them. “I have need”, said he, “for my heavy business,
of a head like his”; and he added, with a ghastly smile, “it is only
the head I want; the body may stay where it is”. On the 24th of November,
1475, the constable was, accordingly, given up to the king; and on
the 27th, was brought to Paris. His trial, begun forthwith, was soon
over; he himself acknowledged the greater part of what was imputed
to him; and on the 19th of December he was brought up from the Bastille
before the parliament. “My lord of St. Pol”, said the chancellor to
him, “you have always passed for being the firmest lord in the realm;
you must not belie yourself today, when you have more need than ever
of firmness and courage”; and he read to him the decree which sentenced
him to lose his head that very day on the Place de Grève. “That is
a mighty hard sentence”, said the constable; “I pray God that I may
see Him today”. And he underwent execution with serene and pious firmness.
He was of an epoch when the most criminal enterprises did not always
preclude piety. Louis XI did not look after the constable's accomplices.
“He flew at the heads”, says Duclos,
“and was set on making great examples; he was convinced that noble
blood, when it is guilty, should be shed rather than common blood.
Nevertheless there was considered to be something indecent in the
cession by the king to the Duke of Burgundy of the constable's possessions.
It seemed like the price of the blood of an unhappy man, who, being
rightfully sacrificed only to justice and public tranquility, appeared
to be so to vengeance, ambition, and avarice”. In
August, 1477, the battle of Nancy had been fought; Charles the Rash
had been killed; and the line of the Dukes of Burgundy had been extinguished.
Louis XI remained master of the battle-field on which the great risks
and great scenes of his life had been passed through. It seemed as
if he ought to fear nothing now, and that the day for clemency had
come. But such was not the king's opinion; two cruel passions, suspicion
and vengeance, had taken possession of his soul; he remained convinced,
not without reason, that nearly all the great feudal lords who had
been his foes were continuing to conspire against him, and that he
ought not, on his side, ever to cease from striving against thorn.
The trial of the constable, St. Pol, had confirmed all his suspicions;
he had discovered thereby traces and almost proofs of a design for
a long time past conceived and pursued by the constable and his associates—the
design of seizing the king, keeping him prisoner, and setting his
son, the dauphin, on the throne, with a regency composed of
a council of lords. Amongst the declared or presumed adherents of
this project, the king had found James d'Armagnac,
Duke of Nemours, the companion and friend of his youth; for his father,
the Count of Pardiac, had been governor
to Louis, at that time dauphin. Louis, on becoming king, had
loaded James d'Armagnac with favors;
had raised his countship of Nemours to
a duchy-peerage of France; had married him to Louise of Anjou, daughter
of the Count of Maine and niece of King Rend. The new Duke of Nemours
entered, nevertheless, into the League of Common Weal against the
king. Having been included, in 1465, with the other chiefs of the
league in the treaty of Conflans, and reconciled with the king, the
Duke of Nemours made oath to him, in the Sainte-Chapelle,
to always be to him a good, faithful, and loyal subject, and thereby
obtained the governorship of Paris and Île-de-France. But, in 1469,
he took part in the revolt of his cousin, Count John d'Armagnac,
who was supposed to be in communication with the English; and having
been vanquished by the Count de Dampmartin,
he had need of a fresh pardon from the king, which he obtained on
renouncing the privileges of the peerage if he should offend again.
He then withdrew within his own domains, and there lived in tranquility
and popularity, but still keeping up secret relations with his old
associates, especially with the Duke of Burgundy and the constable
of St. Pol. In
1476, during the Duke of Burgundy’s first campaign against the Swiss,
the more or less active participation of the Duke of Nemours with
the king’s enemies appeared to Louis so grave, that he gave orders
to his son-in-law, Peter of Bourbon, Sire de Beaujeu,
to go and besiege him in his castle of Carlat,
in Auvergne. The Duke of Nemours was taken prisoner there and carried
off to Vienne, in Dauphiny, where the
king then happened to be. In spite of the prisoner's entreaties, Louis
absolutely refused to see him, and had him confined in the tower of
Pierre-Encise. The Duke of Nemours was
so disquieted at his position and the king's wrath, that his wife,
Louise of Anjou, who was in her confinement at Carlat,
had a fit of terror and died there; and he himself, shut up at Pierre-Encise,
in a dark and damp dungeon, found his hair turn white in a few days.
He
was not mistaken about the gravity of the danger. Louis was both alarmed
at these incessantly renewed conspiracies of the great lords and vexed
at the futility of his pardons. He was determined to intimidate his
enemies by a grand example, and avenge his kingly self-respect by
bringing his power home to the ingrates who made no account of his
indulgence. He ordered that the Duke of Nemours should be removed
from Pierre-Encise to Paris, and put
in the Bastille, where he arrived on the 4th of August, 1476, and
that commissioners should set about his trial. The king complained
of the gentleness with which the prisoner had been treated on arrival,
and wrote to one of the commissioners, “It seems to me that you have
but one thing to do; that is, to find out what guarantees the Duke
of Nemours had given the constable of being at one with him in making
the Duke of Burgundy regent, putting me to death, seizing my lord
the dauphin, and taking the authority and government of the
realm. He must he made to speak clearly on this point, and must get
hell (be put to the torture) in good earnest. I am not pleased at
what you tell me as to the irons having been taken off his legs, as
to his being let out from his cage, and as to his being taken to the
mass to which the women go. Whatever the chancellor or others may
say, take care that he budge not from his cage, that he be never let
out save to give him hell (torture him), and that he suffer hell (torture)
in his own chamber”. The Duke of Nemours protested against the choice
of commissioners, and claimed, as a peer of the realm, his right to
be tried by the parliament. When put to the torture he ended by saying,
“I wish to conceal nothing from the king; I will tell him the truth
as to all I know”. “My most dread and sovereign lord”, he himself
wrote to Louis, “I have been so misdoing towards you and towards God
that I quite see that I am undone unless your grace and pity be extended
to me; the which, accordingly, most humbly and in great bitterness
and contrition of heart, I do beseech you to bestow upon me liberally”;
and he put the simple signature, “Poor James”. “He confessed that
he had been cognizant of the constable's designs; but he added that,
whilst thanking him for the kind offers made to himself, and whilst
testifying his desire that the lords might at last get their guarantees,
he had declared what great obligations and great oaths he was under
to the king, against the which he would not go; he, moreover, had
told the constable he had no money at the moment to dispose of, no
relative to whom he was inclined to trust himself or whom he could
exert himself to win over, not even M. d'Albret,
his cousin”. In such confessions there was enough to stop upright
and fair judges from the infliction of capital punishment, but not
enough to reassure and move the heart of Louis XI. On the chancellor's
representations he consented to have the business sent before the
parliament; but the peers of the realm were not invited to it. The
king summoned the parliament to Noyon,
to be nearer his own residence; and he ordered that the trial should
be brought to a conclusion in that town, and that the original commissioners
who had commenced proceedings, as well as thirteen other magistrates
and officers of the king denoted by their posts, should sit with the
lords of the parliament, and deliberate with them. In
spite of so many arbitrary precautions and violations of justice,
the will of Louis XI met, even in a parliament thus distorted, with
some resistance. Three of the commissioners added to the court abstained
from taking any part in the proceedings; three of the councilors pronounced
against the penalty of death; and the king's own son-in-law, Sire
de Beaujeu, who presided, confined himself
to collecting the votes without delivering an opinion, and to announcing
the decision. It was to the effect that “James d'Armagnac,
Duke of Nemours, was guilty of high treason, and, as such, deprived
of all honors, dignities, and prerogatives, and sentenced to be beheaded
and executed according to justice”. Furthermore the court declared
all his possessions confiscated and lapsed to the king. The sentence,
determined upon at Noyon on the 10th
of July, 1477, was made known to the Duke of Nemours on the 4th of
August, in the Bastille, and carried out, the same day, in front of
the market-place. A disgusting detail, reproduced by several modern
writers, has almost been received into history. Louis XI, it is said,
ordered the children of the Duke of Nemours to be placed under the
scaffold, and be sprinkled with their father’s blood. None of his
contemporaries, even the most hostile to Louis XI, and even amongst
those who, at the states-general held in 1484, one of them after his
death, raised their voices against the trial of the Duke of Nemours,
and in favor of his children, has made any mention of this pretended
atrocity. Amongst the men who have reigned and governed ably, Louis
XI is one of those who could be most justly taxed with cruel indifference
when cruelty might be useful to him; but the more ground there is
for severe judgment upon the chieftains of nations, the stronger is
the interdict against overstepping the limit justified and authorized
by facts.
THE
MEN OF THE KING The
same rule of historical equity makes it incumbent upon us to remark
that, in spite of his feelings of suspicion and revenge, Louis XI
could perfectly well appreciate the men of honor in whom he was able
to have confidence, and would actually confide in them even contrary
to ordinary probabilities. He numbered amongst his most distinguished
servants three men who had begun by serving his enemies, and whom
he conquered, so to speak, by his penetration and his firm mental
grasp of policy. The first was Philip of Chabannes,
Count de Dampmartin, an able and faithful
military leader under Charles VII, so suspected by Louis XI at his
accession, that, when weary of living in apprehension and retirement
he came, in 1463, and presented himself to the king, who was on his
way to Bordeaux, “Ask you justice or mercy?” demanded Louis. “Justice,
sir”, was the answer. “Very well, then”, replied the king, “I banish
you forever from the kingdom”. And he issued an order to that effect,
at the same time giving Dampmartin a
large sum to supply the wants of exile. It is credible that Louis
already knew the worth of the man, and wished in this way to render
their reconciliation more easy. Three years afterwards, in 1466, he
restored to Dampmartin his possessions
together with express marks of royal favor, and twelve years later,
in 1478, in spite of certain gusts of doubt and disquietude which
had passed across his mind as to Dampmartin
under circumstances critical for both of them, the king wrote to him,
“Sir Grand Master, I have received your letters, and I do assure you,
by the faith of my body, that I am right joyous that you provided
so well for your affair at Quesnoy, for
one would have said that you and the rest of the old ones were no
longer any good in an affair of war, and we and the rest of the young
ones would have gotten the honor for ourselves. Search, I pray you,
to the very roots the case of those who would have betrayed us, and
punish them so well that they shall never do you harm. I have always
told you that you have no need to ask me for leave to go and do your
business, for I am sure that you would not abandon mine without having
provided for everything. Wherefore, I put myself in your hands, and
you can go away without leave. All goes well; and I am much better
pleased at your holding your own so well than if you had risked a
loss of two to one. And so, farewell!” In
1465, another man of war, Odet d'Aydie,
Lord of Lescun in Warn, had commanded
at Montlhéry the troops of the Dukes
of Berry and Brittany against Louis XI; and, in 1469, the king, who
had found means of making his acquaintance, and who “was wiser”, says
Commynes, “in the conduct of such treaties than any other prince of
his time”, resolved to employ him in his difficult relations with
his brother Charles, then Duke of Guienne,
“promising him that he and his servants, and he especially, should
profit thereby”. Three years afterwards, in 1472, Louis made Lescun
Count of Comminges, “wherein he showed good judgment”, adds Commynes,
“saying that no peril would come of putting in his hands that which
he did put, for never, during those past dissensions, had the said
Lescun a mind to have any communication
with the English, or to consent that the places of Normandy should
be handed over to them”; and to the end of his life Louis XI kept
up the confidence which Lescun had inspired
by his judicious fidelity in the case of this great question. There
is no need to make any addition to the name of Philip de Commynes,
the most precious of the politic conquests made by Louis in the matter
of eminent counselors, to whom he remained as faithful as they were
themselves faithful and useful to him. The Memoires of Commynes
are the most striking proof of the rare and unfettered political intellect
placed by the future historian at the king's service, and of the estimation
in which the king had wit enough to hold it. Louis
XI rendered to France, four centuries ago, during a reign of twenty-two
years, three great services, the traces and influence of which exist
to this day. He prosecuted steadily the work of Joan of Arc and Charles
VII, the expulsion of a foreign kingship and the triumph of national
independence and national dignity. By means of the provinces which
he successively won, wholly or partly, Burgundy, Franche-Comte, Artois,
Provence, Anjou, Roussillon, and Barrois,
he caused France to make a great stride towards territorial unity
within her natural boundaries. By the defeat he inflicted on the great
vassals, the favor he showed the middle classes, and the use he had
the sense to make of this new social force, he contributed powerfully
to the formation of the French nation, and to its unity under a national
government. Feudal society had not an idea of how to form itself into
a nation, or discipline its forces under one head; Louis XI proved
its political weakness, determined its fall, and labored to place
in its stead France and monarchy. Herein are the great facts of his
reign, and the proofs of his superior mind. But
side by side with these powerful symptoms of a new regimen appeared
also the vices of which that regimen contained the germ, and those
of the man himself who was laboring to found it. Feudal society, perceiving
itself to be threatened, at one time attacked Louis XI with passion,
at another entered into violent disputes against him; and Louis, in
order to struggle with it, employed all the practices, at one time
crafty and at another violent, that belong to absolute power. Craft
usually predominated in his proceedings, violence being often too
perilous for him to risk it; he did not consider himself in a condition
to say brazen-facedly, “Might before right”; but he disregarded right
in the case of his adversaries, and he did not deny himself any artifice,
any lie, any baseness, however specious, in order to trick them or
ruin them secretly, when he did not feel himself in a position to
crush them at a blow. “The end justifies the means”—that was his maxim;
and the end, in his case, was sometimes a great and legitimate political
object, nothing less than the dominant interest of France, but far
more often his own personal interest, something necessary to his own
success or his own gratification. No
loftiness, no greatness of soul, was natural to him; and the more
experience of life he had, the more he became selfish and devoid of
moral sense and of sympathy with other men, whether rivals, tools,
or subjects. All found out before long, not only how little account
he made of them, but also what cruel pleasure he sometimes took in
making them conscious of his disdain and his power. He was “familiar”,
but not by no means “vulgar”; he was in conversation able and agreeable,
with a mixture, however, of petulance and indiscretion, even when
he was meditating some perfidy; and “there is much need”, he used
to say, “that my tongue should sometimes serve me; it has hurt me
often enough”. The
most puerile superstitions, as well as those most akin to a blind
piety, found their way into his mind. When he received any bad news,
he would cast aside forever the dress he was wearing when the news
came; and of death he had a dread which was carried to the extent
of pusillanimity and ridiculousness. “Whilst he was every day”, says
M. de Barante, “becoming more suspicious,
more absolute, more terrible to his children, to the princes of the
blood, to his old servants, and to his wisest counselors, there was
one man who, without any fear of his wrath, treated him with brutal
rudeness. This was James Cattier, his doctor. When the king would
sometimes complain of it before certain confidential servants, ‘I
know very well’, Cattier would say, that some fine morning you’ll
send me where you’ve sent so many others; but, you'll not live a week
after!’.” Then the king would coax him, overwhelm him with caresses,
raise his salary to ten thousand crowns a month, make him a present
of rich lordships; and he ended by making him premier president of
the Court of Exchequer. All churches and all sanctuaries of any small
celebrity were recipients of his oblations, and it was not the salvation
of his soul, but life and health, that he asked for in return. One
day there was being repeated, on his account and in his presence,
an orison to St. Eutropius, who was implored to grant health to the
soul and health to the body. “The latter will be enough”, said the
king; “it is not right to bother the saint for too many things at
once”. He showed great devotion for images which had received benediction,
and often had one of them sewn upon his hat. Hawkers used to come
and bring them to him; and one day he gave a hundred and sixty livres
to a pedler who had in his pack one that
had received benediction at Aix-la-Chapelle. Whatever
may have been, in the middle ages, the taste and the custom in respect
of such practices, they were regarded with less respect in the fifteenth
than in the twelfth century, and many people scoffed at the trust
that Louis XI placed in them, or doubted his sincerity.
THE
KING OF FRANCE Whether
they were sincere or assumed, the superstitions of Louis XI did not
prevent him from appreciating and promoting the progress of civilization,
towards which the fifteenth century saw the first real general impulse.
He favored the free development of industry and trade; he protected
printing, in its infancy, and scientific studies, especially the study
of medicine; by his authorization, it is said, the operation for the
stone was tried, for the first time in France, upon a criminal under
sentence of death, who recovered, and was pardoned; and he welcomed
the philological scholars who were at this time laboring to diffuse
through Western Europe the works of Greek and Roman antiquity. He
instituted, at first for his own and before long for the public service,
post-horses and the letter-post within his kingdom. Towards
intellectual and social movement he had not the mistrust and antipathy
of an old, one-grooved, worn-out, unproductive despotism; his kingly
despotism was new, and, one might almost say, innovational, for it
sprang and was growing up from the ruins of feudal rights and liberties
which had inevitably ended in monarchy. But despotism's good services
are short-lived; it has no need to last long before it generates iniquity
and tyranny; and that of Louis XI, in the latter part of his reign,
bore its natural, unavoidable fruits. “His mistrust”, says M. de Barante,
“became horrible, and almost insane; every year he had surrounded
his castle of Plessis with more walls, ditches, and rails. On the
towers were iron sheds, a shelter from arrows, and even artillery.
More than eighteen hundred of those planks
bristling with nails, called caltrops, were distributed over the yonder
side of the ditch. There were every day four hundred crossbow-men
on duty, with orders to fire on whosoever approached. Every suspected
passer-by was seized, and carried off to Tristan l'Hermite,
the provost-marshal. No great proofs were required for a swing on
the gibbet, or for the inside of a sack and a plunge in the Loire
... Men who, like Sire de Commynes, had been the king's servants,
and who had lived in his confidence, had no doubt but that he had
committed cruelties and perpetrated the blackest treachery; still
they asked themselves whether there had not been a necessity, and
whether he had not, in the first instance, been the object of criminal
machinations against which he had to defend himself ... But, throughout
the kingdom, the multitude of his subjects who had not received kindnesses
from him, nor lived in familiarity with him, nor known of the ability
displayed in his plans, nor enjoyed the wit of his conversation, judged
only by that which came out before their eyes; the imposts had been
made much heavier, without any consent on the part of the states-general;
the talliages, which under Charles VII
brought in only eighteen hundred thousand livres,
rose, under Louis XI, to thirty-seven hundred thousand; the kingdom
was ruined, and the people were at the last extremity of misery; the
prisons were full; none was secure of life or property; the greatest
in the land, and even the princes of the blood, were not safe in their
own houses”. An
unexpected event occurred at this time to give a little more heart
to Louis XI, who was now very ill, and to mingle with his gloomy broodings
a gleam of future prospects. Mary of Burgundy, daughter of Charles
the Rash, died at Bruges on the 27th of March, 1482, leaving to her
husband, Maximilian of Austria, a daughter, hardly three years of
age, Princess Marguerite by name, heiress to the Burgundian-Flemish
dominions which had not come into the possession of the King of France.
Louis, as soon as he heard the news, conceived the idea and the hope
of making up for the reverse he had experienced five years previously
through the marriage of Mary of Burgundy. He would arrange espousals
between his son, the dauphin, Charles, thirteen years old,
and the infant princess left by Mary, and thus recover for the crown
of France the beautiful domains he had allowed to slip from him. A
negotiation was opened at once on the subject between Louis, Maximilian,
and the estates of Flanders, and, on the 23d of December, 1482, it
resulted in a treaty, concluded at Arras, which arranged for the marriage,
and regulated the mutual conditions. In January, 1483, the ambassadors
from the estates of Flanders and from Maximilian, who then for the
first time assumed the title of archduke, came to France for the ratification
of the treaty. Having been first received with great marks of satisfaction
at Paris, they repaired to Plessis-les-Tours. Great was their surprise
at seeing this melancholy abode, this sort of prison, into which “there
was no admittance save after so many formalities and precautions”.
When they had waited a while, they were introduced, in the evening,
into a room badly lighted. In a dark corner was the king, seated in
an arm-chair. They moved towards him; and then, in a weak and trembling
voice, but still, as it seemed, in a bantering tone, Louis asked pardon
of the Abbot of St. Peter of Ghent and of the other ambassadors for
not being able to rise and greet them. After having heard what they
had to say, and having held a short conversation with them, he sent
for the Gospels for to make oath. He excused himself for being obliged
to take the holy volume in his left hand, for his right was paralyzed
and his arm supported in a sling. Then, holding the volume of the
Gospels, he raised it up painfully, and placing upon it the elbow
of his right arm, he made oath. Thus appeared in the eyes of the Flemings
that king who had done them so much harm, and who was obtaining of
them so good a treaty by the fear with which he inspired them, all
dying as he was. On
the 2d of June following, the infant princess, Marguerite of Austria,
was brought by a solemn embassy to Paris first, and then, on the 23d
of June, to Amboise, where her betrothal to the dauphin, Charles,
was celebrated. Louis XI did not feel fit for removal to Amboise;
and he would not even receive at Plessis-les-Tours the new Flemish
embassy. Assuredly neither the king nor any of the actors in this
regal scene foresaw that this marriage, which they with reason looked
upon as a triumph of French policy, would never be consummated; that,
at the request of the court of France, the pope would annul the betrothal;
and that, nine years after its celebration, in 1492, the Austrian
princess, after having been brought up at Amboise under the guardianship
of the Duchess of Bourbon, Anne, eldest daughter of Louis XI, would
be sent back to her father, Emperor Maximilian, by her affianced,
Charles VIII, then King of France, who preferred to become the husband
of a French princess with a French province for dowry, Anne, Duchess
of Brittany.
LAST
DAYS OF LOUIS XI It
was in March, 1481, that Louis XI had his first attack of that apoplexy,
which, after several repeated strokes, reduced him to such a state
of weakness that in June, 1483, he felt himself and declared himself
not in a fit state to be present at his son's betrothal. Two months
afterwards, on the 25th of August, St. Louis's day, he had a fresh
stroke, and lost all consciousness and speech. He soon recovered them;
but remained so weak that he could not raise his hand to his mouth,
and, under the conviction that he was a dead man, he sent for his
son-in-law, Peter of Bourbon, Sire de Beaujeu;
and “Go”, said he, “to Amboise, to the king, my son; I have intrusted
him as well as the government of the kingdom to your charge and my
daughter's care. You know all I have enjoined upon him; watch and
see that it be observed. Let him show favor and confidence towards
those who have done me good service and whom I have named to him.
You know, too, of whom he should beware, and who must not be suffered
to come near him”. He sent for the chancellor from Paris, and bade
him go and take the seals to the king. “Go to the king”, he said to
the captains of his guards, to his archers, to his huntsmen, to all
his household. “His speech never failed him after it had come back
to him”, says Commynes, “nor his senses; he was constantly saying
something of great sense and never in all his illness, which lasted
from Monday to Saturday evening, did he complain, as do all sorts
of folk when they feel ill” ... “Notwithstanding all those commands
he recovered heart”, adds Commynes, “and had good hope of escaping”.
In conversation at odd times with some of his servants, and even with
Commynes himself, he had begged them, whenever they saw that he was
very ill, not to mention that cruel word death; he had even made a
covenant with them, that they should say no more to him than, “Don't
talk much”, which would be sufficient warning. But his doctor, James
Coettier, and his barber, Oliver the
Devil, whom he had ennobled and enriched under the name of Oliver
le Daim, did not treat him with so much
indulgence. “They notified his death to him in brief and harsh terms”,
says Commynes; “Sir, we must do our duty; have no longer hope in your
holy man of Calabria or in other matters, for assuredly all is over
with you; think of your soul; there is no help for it”. “I have hope
in God that He will aid me”, answered Louis, coldly; “peradventure
I am not so ill as you think”. “He
endured with manly virtue so cruel a sentence”, says Commynes, “and
everything, even to death, more than any man I ever saw die; he spoke
as coolly as if he had never been ill”. He gave minute orders about
his funeral, sepulcher, and tomb. He would be laid at Notre-Dame de
Clery, and not, like his ancestors, at
St. Denis; his statue was to be gilt bronze, kneeling, face to the
altar, head uncovered, and hands clasped within his hat, as was his
ordinary custom. Not having died on the battle-field and sword in
hand, he would be dressed in hunting-garb, with jack-boots, a hunting-horn,
slung over his shoulder, his hound lying beside him, his order of
St. Michael round his neck, and his sword at his side. As to the likeness,
he asked to be represented, not as he was in his latter days, bald,
bow-backed, and wasted, but as he was in his youth and in the vigor
of his age, face pretty full, nose aquiline, hair long, and falling
down behind to his shoulders. After having taken all these pains about
himself after his death, he gave his chief remaining thoughts to France
and his son. “Orders must be sent”, said he, “to M. d’Esquerdes
[Philip de Crevecoeur, Baron d’Esquerdes,
a distinguished warrior, who, after the death of Charles the Rash,
had, through the agency of Commynes, gone over to the service of Louis
XI, and was in command of his army] to attempt no doings as to Calais.
We had thought to drive out the English from this the last corner
they hold in the kingdom; but such matters are too weighty; all that
business ends with me. M. d’Esquerdes
must give up such designs, and come and guard my son without budging
from his side for at least six months. Let an end be put, also, to
all our disputes with Brittany, and let this Duke Francis be allowed
to live in peace without any more causing him trouble or fear. This
is the way in which we, must now deal with all our neighbors. Five
or six good years of peace are needful for the kingdom. My poor people
have suffered too much; they are in great desolation. If God had been
pleased to grant me life, I should have put it all to rights; it was
my thought and my desire, let my son be strictly charged to remain
at peace, especially whilst he is so young. At a later time, when
he is older, and when the kingdom is in good case, he shall do as
he pleases about it”. On
Saturday, August 30, 1483, between seven and eight in the evening,
Louis XI expired, saying, “Our Lady of Embrun,
my good mistress, have pity upon me; the mercies of the Lord will
I sing forever." “It
was a great cause of joy throughout the kingdom”, says M. de Barante
with truth, in his Histoire des Ducs
de Bourgogne: “this moment had been impatiently waited for as
a deliverance, and as the ending of so many woes and fears. For a
long time past no King of France had been so heavy on his people or
so hated by them”. This
was certainly just, and at the same time ungrateful. Louis
XI had rendered France great service, but in a manner void of frankness,
dignity, or lustre; he had made the contemporary
generation pay dearly for it by reason of the spectacle he presented
of trickery, perfidy, and vindictive cruelty, and by his arbitrary
and tyrannical exercise of kingly power. People are not content to
have useful service; they must admire or love; and Louis XI inspired
France with neither of those sentiments. He has had the good fortune
to be described and appraised, in his own day too, by the most distinguished
and independent of his councilors, Philip de Commynes, and, three
centuries afterwards, by one of the most thoughtful and the soundest
intellects amongst the philosophers of the eighteenth century, Duclos,
who, moreover, had the advantage of being historiographer of France,
and of having studied the history of that reign in authentic documents.
We reproduce here the two judgments, the agreement of which is remarkable:—
“God”,
says Commynes, “had created our king more wise, liberal, and full
of manly virtue than the princes who reigned with him and in his day,
and who were his enemies and neighbors. In all there was good and
evil, for they were men; but without flattery, in him were more things
appertaining to the office of king than in any of the rest. I saw
them nearly all, and knew what they could do”. “Louis
XI”, says Duclos, “was far from being
without reproach; few princes have deserved so much; but it may be
said that he was equally celebrated for his vices and his virtues,
and that, everything being put in the balance, he was a king”. We
will be more exacting than Commynes and Duclos;
we will not consent to apply to Louis XI the words liberal, virtuous,
and virtue; he had nor greatness of soul, nor uprightness of character,
nor kindness of heart; he was neither a great king nor a good king;
but we may assent to Duclos’ last word—he
was a king.
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