LUDWIG VON PASTOR'S

HISTORY OF THE POPES FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES

VOLUMES XXV & XXVI . PAUL V. (1605-1621)

CHAPTER III.

Paul V as Ruler of the Papal States. Papal Finance.

At the very beginning of the pontificate of Paul V the opinion was expressed that his reign would be very similar to that of Clement VIII. This opinion was to be verified in connection with the administration of both ecclesiastical and secular affairs.

The political economist and statistician, Giovanni Botero, sometime secretary to Charles Borromeo, writing in the first quarter of Paul V’s reign, has left an extremely interesting account of the Papal States, the boundaries of which had been considerably extended with the acquisition of Ferrara under Clement VIII. Every division of property was prevented by the decree of Pius V, settling the inviolability of the entire possessions of the Holy See, which Paul V at once confirmed.

The area of the Papal States was somewhat more extensive than that of the Venetian Republic, while the population, owing to the sparseness of Central Italy, was about the same; Botero estimated it at one and a half million souls. The Papal States possessed only two large cities: Rome, the capital, with 115,000 inhabitants, and Bologna with over 80,000. After these came Ferrara with 60,000, a number which was rapidly declining owing to the cessation of the ducal residence there. All the other places had considerably smaller populations, as, for example, Viterbo and Civitavecchia in the Patrimony, Rieti and Tivoli in Sabina, Velletri, Anagni and Terracina in the Roman Campagna proper, Perugia, Assisi, Foligno, Spoleto, Terni, Narni and Orvieto in Umbria, Ancona, Fermo, Macerata and Ascoli in the Marches, Ravenna, Faenza, Forli, Cesena and Rimini in Romagna. There were also smaller places with episcopal sees, amounting to about fifty in number.

The nature of the soil of this State, crossed by the chain of the Apennines, presented great contrasts : next to extremely fertile districts there were rough, mountainous areas and extensive tracts of unhealthy lowlands like the Pontine Marshes, the Maremme, which reached from the mouth of the Tiber to the borders of Tuscany, and the swamps, which stretched along the Adriatic coast from the banks of the Po in the direction of Rimini, in the middle of which lay Comacchia. These districts were infested with malaria, as was also practically the whole of the Roman Campagna. These regions apart, the remaining lands were blessed with a splendid climate and with great natural resources and plants and animals abounded and prospered everywhere.

Botero praises as being particularly fertile the Umbrian valley of the Tiber, the smiling plains of Rieti, the country surrounding Bologna and the whole of Romagna and the Marches, where fertility was enhanced by a charming landscape. The rich harvests of corn, oil and wine allowed of considerable exportation, notably to Venice. Certain districts were renowned for their special produce as, for example, Faenza and Lugo for flax, Cento and Perugia for hemp, Bologna and Forli for woad, Sant' Arcangelo, Norcia and Terni for their rape of remarkable size, San Lorenzo for its manna and the famous woods of Ravenna for their pine-cones. The vineyards prospered exceedingly in the whole of Romagna, in the Marches, Umbria, the Patrimony, the Sabina and in the Lazio. Besides the world-famed muscatel of Montefiascone, the wines of Orvieto, Todi, Albano, Cesena, Faenza and Rimini were also highly esteemed. In the plains as well as in the hills there were numerous olive yards and chestnut groves. Many woods still held a great wealth of timber.

The animal kingdom in the Papal States was no less favoured than the vegetable. Large herds of cattle, sheep, pigs, goats and horses grazed freely and half-wild in the uninhabited parts of the Roman Campagna, the Pontine Marshes and the Maremme. Outside the Roman Campagna, the Romagna in particular produced magnificent oxen; the horses of the Agro Romano were scarcely inferior to those of Naples. Of the pigs, which abounded everywhere, those of the mountainous districts were considered the best. There was also no dearth of animals of the chase. The Pontine Marshes in particular harboured many wild boars. Excellent hunting country was to be found in the Lazio in the neighbourhood of Sermoneta, Terracina and Nettuno. After the sea itself, the lagoons of Comacchio were pre-eminently abundant in fish and the eels from there passed for the best in the whole of Italy. The mineral kingdom offered splendid marbles, peperino and the famous Travertine. The excellent alum from the Tolfa district near Cerveteri was a state monopoly, as were also the famous saltworks of Comacchio. The sulphur baths of Poretta in the legation of Bologna and those of Viterbo, where Nicholas V had laid out a bathing establishment, were the most esteemed of all the numerous mineral springs. The warm sulphur-springs of Vicarello, not far from the lake of Bracciano, which the ancient Romans had used, and the medicinal waters of Anticoli, a picturesque mountain village near Subiaco, were also much frequented.

Notwithstanding all these natural advantages, the trade and commerce of the Papal States, apart from Rome itself, had scarcely been developed at all beyond the immediate requirements and the general prosperity as well as the number of the population was on the decline. The efforts of several Popes of the XVIth century to bring about an improvement in this matter had not attained the desired end. There were many different factors which were unfavourable to success. The elective character of the State robbed its secular administration of the necessary stability, for there were no fixed rules here as there were in ecclesiastical affairs. Almost every pontificate brought with it a change of system. Added to this was the increasing elimination of the lay element from the administrative personnel of the Papal States; the ecclesiastics, who took their places, had not the requisite training for secular business and were often also unsuitable in other ways. The weak character of the people was also prejudicial to progress; they lacked energy and organizing ability and expected everything to be done by the government. To all this must be added the general misfortunes, which visited Italy at the end of the XVIth century: pestilence, bad harvests, famines, uneconomic taxation and the evils consequent on banditry.

The scourge of banditry had increased to such an extent in the Papal States that many districts were abandoned by their populations and lay uncultivated. Botero specially mentions the widespread occurrence of malaria as a cause of the decline in the population of the Papal States and he suggests as a remedy not merely drainage but also the systematic colonization of the Roman Campagna. Botero also draws attention to the fact that everybody thought that organized recruiting of mercenaries was permissible in the Papal States, which were regarded as a sort of common property. The temptation was particularly strong as the people of Romagna and the Marches were reputed to make very efficient soldiers.

Paul V intervened repeatedly against the abuse of foreign recruiting on the lands of the Church, but his immediate and especial efforts were directed to the fight against banditry, which his predecessors, Clement VIII and Sixtus V, had carried on with varying results. Even the most embittered enemies of the Borghese Pope are compelled to recognize the undeniable success which attended his efforts to establish public safety, although it was just here that his initial difficulties were particularly great, owing to the fact that the Holy See had recently been twice vacant.

As an example of the rigour with which Paul V inaugurated his reign, one can cite in particular the execution of a man of letters, Piccinardi, a native of Cremona, amongst whose possessions was found a Life of Clement VIII, in which that excellent Pope was placed on a par with the emperor Tiberius. Although Paul V at first expressed himself in favour of a light punishment in consideration of the fact that the lampoon was only shown by the author to quite a small number of persons, he nevertheless finally let the law, under which Piccinardi was accounted guilty of high treason, take its course, and this notwithstanding the representations of influential personages. This inflexibility made all Rome tremble. The Pope also proved very stern towards his own household. The papal steward and his deputy, who had sold favours, were dismissed, although Giovan Battista, Paul V’s brother, had pleaded on their behalf. The officials realized, and with terror, how strictly they were being controlled. Even the aged master of ceremonies, Paolo Alaleone, received a reproof for courting too much the favour of Cardinal Scipione Borghese.

Paul V was also eager to improve the administration of justice. He saw to it that only those officials were chosen, whom he knew to be the best in the Curia. He similarly took care that the settlement of lawsuits was not unnecessarily protracted and that no attention was paid to any representations from outsiders. Justice must follow its course with vigour not least in the case of the powerful. The immunities, claimed by ambassadors and cardinals, such as Farnese, were to be no let, to the course of justice. The French ambassador, the Marquis of Coeuvres, was so unwilling to comply with this that an action had to be brought in Paris.

In the struggle against banditry, which was the plague of the countryside, the discontinuation of one of its causes, namely, the large number of soldiers accustomed to the profession of arms, came to the aid of the Borghese Pope; that banditry died of its own accord, as some people have thought, was far from being the case. It required the repeated exertions of the Pope as well as a fair lapse of time before the desired end was finally attained. When Paul V died, perfect tranquillity and security reigned in his States. In these matters the Pope had not the slightest regard for high-placed personages, who had any connection with evildoers. In 1608, the Marquis of Rignano, who had sheltered a bandit in his castle, was in danger of being executed. He had to consider himself lucky to be let off with a fine and a five years’ banishment. The fiscal attorney and auditor-general, Farinacci, well known on account of the Cenci case, was also implicated in the affair of the Marquis; in 1611 he forfeited his various positions. The heads of three Corsican guardsmen, who had killed two French noblemen at the beginning of 1608, fell under the executioner’s axe. The Pope opposed the shedding of blood, which occurred so frequently in Rome, by repeatedly forbidding the carrying of arms. Rome’s beggars and vagabonds, those who broadcast false news, avaricious innkeepers and dissolute women, all felt the strong hand of the Pope.

At the beginning of the year 1608, Paul V embarked on a radical reform of the entire judicature. With this end in view, he instituted a special Congregation, which sat every Friday under the presidency of Cardinal Borghese. A reform of this kind was sure to meet with great difficulties, hence it was at first believed that the plan would come to nothing; but the Pope would not rest, until success was attained. On March 1st, 1612, a consistorial bull was issued. The very format of the document, with its Italian-gothic, small-print type, showed the importance which the Pope attached to the matter; the severe regularity and beauty of the writing was well in keeping with the significance of the content.

The reform, laid down in the bull of March 1st, 1612, embraced the Segnatura di Grazia e Giustizia, the Camera Apostolica, the tribunals of the Governor of the City and of the Auditors of the Chamber, the Rota, the municipal magistracy, the contentions between the Jews and the whole system of civil and criminal law. Special attention was paid to the protection of the poor and to the prison system. All prisons were to be inspected at least once a month, in order to prevent the illegal detention of prisoners; the Pope also provided for their bodily and spiritual needs. Severe penalties were fixed for all contraventions of the bull. Supplementary measures fixed the taxes to be paid to municipal notaries and to other officials. The execution of these measures, which were still further explained in a special declaration, was very closely watched.

The legates in the provinces, following the Pope’s example, also worked hard for the maintenance of peace and order. Cardinal Bonifacio Caetani, who was appointed legate of Romagna in 1608, sought to obtain this end by the exercise of sagacity and gentleness.

Caetani, in whose honour the grateful people of Ravenna erected in 1609 a granite column adorned with an eagle, his coat of arms, was in every respect an outstanding personality. A blameless priest, he preached many times in Ravenna, particularly in the Church of the Theatines for whom he cherished a special affection. He devoted himself to his secular business with such zeal, facility and pleasure that his work appeared to serve as his recreation. He dealt with every memorial with great despatch, often settling the matter personally. Only persons of irreproachable reputation found employment with him. In his immediate entourage he strongly insisted on order and discipline; his household had to assist at Mass daily and on feast days at the sermon as well. The Cardinal was an enemy of all superfluities. He had drawn up a strict time-table. When giving audience, he was courteous but brief. He rigorously insisted that his officials should keep to their own business and not meddle in affairs foreign to them. His demeanour was always grave and dignified. He knew well how to keep himself informed about everything and to alternate sternness with mildness, for he realized how ill the people can stand unmitigated rigour. He who wishes to rule well, he used to say, must be reliable, moderate and just. The people of the Romagna had a reputation for turbulence. They were, indeed, still so divided into factions that Caetani used to say that there were two different peoples in the province, the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. For all that he praised the people of Romagna, declaring that if one dealt with them with gentleness and friendliness they were easily managed and pacified, and that they were obedient to their superiors and appreciative of acts of kindness.

It was, however, rather with iron rigour that the Genoese Benedetto Giustiniani, who was sent as legate to Bologna in November, 1608, sought to carry out his task. Giustiniani insisted the more on his orders being obeyed in that he knew the old proverb, that in Bologna an ordinance is observed for a month, less twenty-nine days. He would gain information at first-hand and it was related that he often went about in disguise, in order to get at the truth.

Giustiniani succeeded in restoring order, in spite of the unfavourable conditions which confronted him. His severity often carried him too far, and this was, indeed, the cause of his recall in the summer of 1611. His successor was the French nuncio, Maffeo Barberini. During his three years of office, this exceptional man provided admirably for the economic conditions of the city; he also reformed the coinage, settled some territorial disputes with the Duke of Modena and preserved the peace in the territory of his legation during the war between Savoy and Mantua.

In 1605 Paul V extended the jurisdiction of the Congregazione del buon governo, which had been instituted by Clement VIII to deal with the economic conditions of the Papal States. The Congregation did much towards the liquidation of the debts of the various communes. These debts, which amounted to 1,745,600 scudi at the beginning of Paul V’s pontificate, were reduced to 445,600. A tax on meat and a reduction of the interest charged by the Monti was used for the extinction of the debt of the City of Rome. The care which he took to avoid these taxes falling on the poor was characteristic of the Pope’s humanity.

The demands which Paul V made on the governors of the provinces of the Papal States can be seen from one of his instructions. He made it clear that their first duty was to show the people love and benevolence, and thus to convince them that the government had their well-being at heart. The governor must treat his subjects as a father treats his sons. When he has to punish anyone, he must do so in such a way that the people can see that correction is the only motive. The officials, so ran the instruction, must always have clean hands. The governor must give audience once a week, in which women and the poor should be given precedence. If a punishment is commuted to a money payment, the judges must derive no personal gain from the transaction; as had already been ruled by Pius IV. Every fortnight the prisons must be visited, so that the prisoners can lodge what complaints they may have. Heavy punishments must be meted out to those who help bandits with information, money, provisions or munitions. The governors must also see to it that important documents are carefully preserved. The economic conditions must receive their closest attention and they must above all take care that throughout the year the people have bread of just weight and good quality. For this purpose, the weights and measures in the shops should be inspected from time to time. The instruction then summarizes the duties of a governor: he is to provide an absolutely impartial administration of justice, to preserve peace and order, and to see to it that there is an abundance of provisions. In this last respect, the Pope displayed the greatest zeal in Rome itself, his solicitude being directed towards meat, vegetables and oil, but above all towards bread.

In spite of all the efforts of the Popes of the XVIth century, the productivity of the Campagna had dwindled. Already, at the end of 1605, grain had to be imported from Sicily to make up for Rome’s deficiency. It was necessary to re-issue and enforce with greater strictness the edicts of previous Popes since Pius IV, which forbade the exportation of provisions from the Papal States. Besides the Congregation of Cardinals sopra l’abbondanza dello Stato Pontificio, founded by Sixtus V, it was the duty of the Prefect of the annona to provide for the importation of grain and that of the President of grascia to procure cattle for slaughter, oil and other provisions. The annona depended partly on the municipality and partly on the Camera Apostolica. It fixed the price of grain, actually purchasing it in order to resell it to the bakers. It was a source of considerable annoyance to the Pope that the treasury often lost much money in this way. The bakers were very discontented with the scale of prices for 1606, at which they had to buy grain. This discontent only grew when Paul V opposed a reduction of the weight of bread, although in that year, 1606, the harvest had been poor. Some Jews, who tried to turn the general scarcity to their advantage by profiteering in wheat ended their lives on the gallows. Proceedings were also taken against others, who transgressed in this respect, regardless of the fact that they were Christians. During the month of August in 1606 the Pope daily sent his palafrenieri into Rome to ascertain whether there was sufficient bread of good quality. Giacomo Serra, an expert financier, was sent into the Marches to buy up grain. An edict forbidding exportation was also issued. The selfishness of the bakers and corn-merchants was restrained as far as it was possible. The Pope at this time spent in all 160,000 scudi, particularly large quantities of corn coming from Provence. In January, 1607, Serra returned from the Marches and reported that he had found there sufficient supplies to hand. Shortly afterwards, a consignment arrived from Civitavecchia. In spite of this, the prices remained high. An edict of June, 1607, forbade profiteering in corn under pain of death. Fortunately there was a good harvest. But in spite of this, the bread question was still to cause the Pope great trouble. The Camera did not want to give up selling the old stock of corn, although its quality was poor. Only when it was finally decided to mix the old corn with the new did the situation improve. Throughout the whole affair the Pope showed the greatest watchfulness. He had bread sent in from various bakers in order that he might himself test it. When he discovered fraud, the guilty were sent to prison. Malvasia, the Prefect of the annona, having been found wanting in energy in this matter, was relieved from his post at the end of July. The difficulties, however, were not yet over. Only by placing a bounty on imports and by procuring grain from Sicily was all want finally averted.

With what goodwill the Pope was animated is seen in the plans, which he now made, for the erection of a granary for the poor of Rome. An edict of the Prefect of the annona, issued in the name of the Cardinal-President of the Camera on December 19th, 1607, made it known that with the new year a store would be opened at the expense of the State, in which the poor would always be able to buy flour of good quality at a moderate price. The regulations declared: That the store will be stocked with the best meal. It is forbidden to purchase there more than 50 pounds (about 34 English pounds). The price must always be 8 quattrini a pound (about 2d. a pound). This meal may only be bought by the poor. The rich, the corn merchants and all those who have no need of this privilege, if they either buy direct or through another will have it confiscated and will, in addition, have to pay a fine of 25 scudi.

This new storehouse for corn, which can only be described as a truly providential institution for the poor, was erected near the baths of Diocletian, where it was secure from flooding. The Pope had it enlarged in 1609, and he visited it repeatedly. The supplies proved particularly useful to the people when the unusually hot summer of 1611 caused a bad harvest.

Until 1611 the corn trade was regulated by long-standing dispositions which laid it down that corn was to be either consumed at its place of origin or else to be transported to Rome. However, on October 19th, 1611, Paul V cancelled a prohibition of Clement VIII and allowed a fifth of the harvest to be exported so long as the price did not exceed 55 giulii (about 28s.) a rubbio (about 188 lbs.).

By a similar decree issued on October 19th, 1611, Paul V instituted alongside the Congregation of the annona, founded by Sixtus V, a new Congregation, whose special work was to procure victuals for the Papal States and for Rome in particular. The members had to meet twice a month, in the Papal palace, so that Paul V could take part personally in their deliberations, when he thought it necessary. The Congregation was composed of the Treasurer-General Serra and four other officials, and the Pope had to be regularly furnished with its decisions, which he read through carefully, adding remarks and instructions of his own.

The Constitution of October 19th, 1611, contained special orders for the advancement of agriculture in the Roman Campagna. It renewed the prohibition of the sale of plough oxen for slaughter; it confirmed the obligation of cattle-merchants to offer for sale every year 25 per cent of their oxen for agricultural labour and also the right of vassals to cultivate land outside their feudal property, as also all the other privileges granted by previous Popes for the promotion of agriculture. The pawnshops (Monte di Pieta) of Rome were, moreover, ordered to lend sums of money up to 1,000 scudi at the rate of 2 per cent to the farmers of the country round Rome and of the Lazio, the Marittima and the Campagna. Unfortunately Paul V damaged his own designs by making it possible for his nephews to acquire in the Campagna those large estates which were later on to prove so great an obstacle to the advancement of agriculture.

Notwithstanding the bad harvest of 1611, the Pope opposed to his utmost any alteration in the price of bread. He threatened to have corn imported from abroad; he is reported to have said that he would rather resign the tiara than give way in this matter. He felt his burden of cares lightened, however, when the harvest of 1612 turned out well. In July of this year he made a personal inspection of the grain stored for the poor, in order to assure himself that there was a sufficient stock in hand. He repeated his visit in February, 1614.

However much Paul V desired that his people should be supplied with the largest possible loaves, the thing proved unattainable. The views of the Congregation were divided. Serra, who was made a Cardinal on August 17th, 1611, and Rucellai, his successor as Prefect of the annona, shared the Pope’s views, but the commissioner of the Camera and Giovanni Battista Costaguti declared that a diminution of weight was unavoidable. They pointed out that the quality was more important than the quantity. Paul V ended by coming round to this view. In the year 1613 he entrusted the management of the matter to Costaguti; he had no reason to regret this step and soon found himself free from what had been a grave worry.

When the harvest was bad, as in the year 1617, the grain store tided matters over until new supplies could arrive from Sicily. Thanks to the great sums which Paul V spent on provisioning Rome, there was never a scarcity of food during the whole of his long pontificate; nor was the population crushed by excessive prices, as was the case in most of the neighbouring states.

In order to assure for the future the importation of grain into Rome by sea, in April, 1613, the Pope ordered extensive works to be undertaken to facilitate shipping in the Tiber. It had been observed that south and south-westerly winds were a great hindrance to shipping entering the mouth of the river. In order to obviate this, Paul V continued the work begun under Gregory XIII of embanking the right mouth of the Tiber. With a view to facilitating the importation of grain and to promote commerce generally the Pope also ordered the repair of the principal roads leading into Rome. The care of the roads leading into the Marches was in 1608 entrusted to Cardinal Pierbenedetti, while that of the road to Florence was given to Cardinal Bandini. Cardinal Cesi was made responsible for the repair of the highway to Naples; this included restoration of the bridge over the Liris near Ceprano. These works were protracted until 1620. Paul V had the Ponte Salario restored; he also laid down new roads in the Alban hills to Gavignano, the birthplace of Innocent III, lying on the picturesque hills near Segni. The building of harbours was likewise undertaken to promote commerce. In Civitavecchia he continued through the agency of Pompeo Targone the improvements in the harbour begun under Clement VII, a new lighthouse and a large warehouse being constructed. Targone was also charged by the Pope with the inspection of the cities on the Adriatic as regards harbours and fortifications. Paul V decided to construct a new harbour at Fano, where the road leading from the Furlo pass terminated. In spite of much opposition to this plan, the work was taken in hand in 1613. The new harbour, which received the name of Porto Borghesiano, acquired considerable importance, especially for the Marches, Umbria and Romagna.

The Pope took up repeatedly the question of the draining of the marshy regions and the regulation of rivers in the Papal States. At first he concentrated on the northerly provinces, Ferrara and Romagna, but Central Italy was also in prospect. Two extraordinary congregations were occupied with this question of water in the district of Ferrara and in the Chiana valley. How difficult the task was is apparent from the evidence of numerous experts, amongst them being Giovanni Fontana and Targone. In addition to Cardinal Piatti, who was well acquainted with conditions in Ferrara, Mgr. Centurione and later Cardinal Caetani were consulted as regards the Romagna, and the legate, Cardinal Luigi Cappone, as regards Bologna. The water problem also played an important part in the settlement, made in 1607, of the boundary between the papal city of Citta della Pieve and the Tuscan city of Chiusi. Three years later, Paul V regulated the boundary between Rieti and the Neapolitan Civita Ducale. In the same year the Pope ratified the agreement made by the Bolognese with Modena concerning the boundary and various questions relating to the water supply.

Floodings of the Tiber at the end of 1607 and the beginning of 1608 once again gave cogency to the question of providing against this calamity, and once more there was no dearth of suggestions of the most varying kinds as to how to set about it ; it was, however, rather the question of raising the necessarily large sum of money as well as the difficulties inherent in an undertaking of this kind, which prevented the remedying of an evil which was a constant menace.

During the flooding of the Tiber in January, 1608, Cardinal Borghese and the Pope’s brother had done all in their power for the people. In other ways also they vied with Paul V in their undertakings for the general good, which were specially beneficial to the Eternal City. The construction of the famous conduit, Acqua Paola, was a very great boon to the Trastevere and the Borgo. Castelgandolfo and Loreto also acquired aqueducts through the energy of Paul V. The extensive building enterprises of Pau in Rome were intended to give able-bodied labourers a chance to earn a livelihood. The Pope rightly regarded this as the best kind of almsgiving.

Of great importance for the administration of the Papal States as also for the transaction of ecclesiastical and political affairs was the collection of all the documental treasures of the Church into one uniform secret archivium, which Paul V carried out. With him there begins a new epoch for these collections, which, in spite of all losses, were still as voluminous as they were valuable. Paul V could see this for himself when, in February, 1609, he visited the archivium in St. Angelo, which had been founded by Sixtus IV, for housing the more “valuable of the privileges of the Roman Church”. A good canonist himself, he was well able to appreciate the great importance of such documents; it was only by the decision to bring together all the scattered collections and to preserve them more securely could further losses be prevented and what still remained be utilized to good purpose.

The new papal secret archives were housed near the Vatican Library in the long wing of the papal palace, overlooking the Vatican gardens. The rooms were adorned with paintings, illustrative of the donations made to the Church, and furnished with presses. The first transfer of archival material to the new quarters took place under the supreme direction of Cardinal Cesi at the end of 1611, and lasted during the following year. Next took place the transfer of 258 volumes of papal registers and other important documents from the secret library, which had also been founded by Sixtus IV; the volumes were repaired and re-bound where necessary. There were also transferred a number of historical manuscripts, which the Pope had received as a present. The archives of the administrative offices of the Camera Apostolica yielded a considerable consignment. Amongst these were also, since the time of Sixtus V, the majority of those registers and briefs, acts and manuscripts, which had of old been preserved in the papal wardrobe. The wardrobe was situated on the third floor of the court of St. Damasus over the papal apartments since it served to house those acts which might be wanted for reference at any moment. In addition to this, the famous collection of manuscripts of Cardinal Vitelli was also removed from the archives of the Camera Apostolica. In May, 1614, the archivium in St. Angelo, of which at the request of Paul V an inventory had been made by Silvio de Paulis, had to yield some of its Acta to the new secret archives. All these consignments were put in order, numbered and indexed. A brief of December 2nd, 1614, contained rigorous measures for the security of this treasure.

The foundation of the new secret archives of the papacy was laid not merely through the collecting of scattered archives and the assigning of special quarters for them: special officials were also appointed. On January 30th, 1616, Baldassare Ansidei was made custodian. At his death he was succeeded by Nicola Alemanni.

A bronze bust of Paul V over the entrance from the Vatican Library into the secret papal archives recalls even today the memory of their creator, who here called into being a safe home for a vast quantity of ancient documents and precious correspondence. Thus came into existence a collection of archives, which, if it is not the largest in Europe and the most important in every possible respect, is nevertheless unrivalled in its significance. The majordomo of Paul V, Giovan Battista Costaguti, observed in connection with the foundation of the papal secret archives that the ancient documents were juridical weapons for the preservation of what has been acquired. What was the state of the material weapons at this time?

MILITARY PRECAUTIONS.

The army was always a weak point in the Papal States. Giovanni Botero thought it an advantage for the worldly possessions of the Church that, apart from the great prestige of the Pope, they were so well protected by nature that it was unnecessary to spend a single quattrino on military projects. The country possessed no large harbour and its coasts were so constituted that it could only be attacked with great difficulty and then not with a large fighting force. There was also the marshiness of the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, which alone sufficed to render a hostile landing impossible. The people of the Marches and the Romagna were good soldiers, well able to ward off an aggressor. The land frontiers also presented no danger, for the Papal States were larger than Tuscany and only slightly smaller than the kingdom of Naples. Orvieto, Civita Castellana, Paliano and Spoleto were advantageously situated, Umbria was a natural fortress and Rome seemed safe enough with the Castle of St. Angelo and the fortifications of the Borgo. According to Botero, it would have sufficed to fortify in addition Ascoli and Rieti, and in the south Frosinone and Anagni. He regarded the Tuscan frontier as the weakest spot: the Pope should therefore keep on good terms with the Grand Duke. Of the outlying parts in the north, Ferrara and Bologna would have to be considered first. As regards Bologna, Paul V had made a good beginning with the fortification of Castelfranco, while Clement VIII had started the construction of a citadel at Ferrara. Paul V brought this work to completion and, in addition, gave security to the coasts of the Papal States, notably by means of fortified towers as against the Turkish corsairs and by restoring the works at Ancona. He thought that he could let the matter rest there, for Clement VIII had been able to raise 22,000 men in a month against Ferrara, an achievement which, according to Botero, could have been equalled by very few princes in Europe. Nevertheless, when in 1606 a serious conflict broke out with Venice, this number proved to be as little equal to the occasion as the available funds. Paul V had at that time erected two arsenals in Rome and had started a munitions factory at Tivoli. Even after the special congregation for military affairs was constituted and, after the end of 1609, began to meet weekly, the decline in military strength was far from being stemmed. In 1612 the Venetian ambassador, Mocenigo, reported that the 650 light horse, previously kept for withstanding banditry, were sent into Hungary to help the Emperor against the Turks without any other troops taking their place. Nor did the Pope have in his pay any general officers, and Ferrara and Ancona alone possessed garrison troops. Money was saved wherever possible, for the financial circumstances of Paul V were anything but easy.

TAXATION EMBARRASSMENT.

The treasurer-general, Luigi Capponi, who had been appointed by Leo XI, was confirmed in office by the Borghese Pope, and he continued to hold it until he was made a Cardinal on November 24th, 1608. He was followed by the Genoese Giacomo Serra, an extremely conscientious man, who on August 17th, 1611, was also raised to the purple though he retained, for a time, as pro-treasurer, the supervision of the papal finances. When Serra went to France as legate in September, 1615, Mgr. Patrizi became Treasurer.

The task of these men was fraught with difficulties. When Paul V, at the beginning of his reign, lamented in a letter to the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria that his coffers were empty and that he was crushed by heavy debts, he was stating the bare truth. The chief evil was that the subscribers of the loans (monti) were entitled to certain of the taxes, so that a considerable part of the revenue was entirely lost to the State. The Venetian obbedienza reported in 1605 that only 70,000 scudi of the taxes paid to the Camera were not accounted for by payment of interest. Through the selling of offices, fees and perquisites were likewise lost to the State treasury. From the autumn of 1605 a special congregation tried to find a remedy for this sorry condition. The conflict with Venice, which broke out in April, 1606, rendered new taxes necessary for a time and occasioned yet further deliberations. Of the many different suggestions, which were forthcoming in the autumn of that year, a detailed plan drawn up specially for Paul V by Malvasia, an expert of the Camera, is of particular interest.

At the outset the author showed how entirely justified was the determination of the Pope to put the finances in order, for the interest, which the Holy See had to pay, swallowed up practically the whole of the income, so that it was a constant embarrassment to find enough money even to cover running expenses; and when an extraordinary necessity arose, one did not know where to turn.

Malvasia discussed four possible ways of effecting a financial reform: new taxes, economies, reducing the rates of interest on the state loans and removing gold from the treasure in St. Angelo. He declared that the imposition of new taxes was impossible, quite apart from the fact that such a method was entirely against the wishes of the Pope. And in view of the large debts and the pressing demands it was useless to attempt any economies. Thus there only remained the two last methods, which would have to be combined. Malvasia sought to remedy the parlous state of affairs, in which the income of the state was ear-marked for creditors, by a complete alteration in the prevailing system of loans and the sale of offices. He suggested the creation of one single monte papale at 6 per cent, or 5 per cent at the highest, in place of the many existing monti with their varying rates of interest; to do this, they must redeem all the outstanding obligations with a million in gold from the treasure in St. Angelo; this could easily be paid back later with the saving effected. The redemption of the luoghi di monte should be based on the nominal value of the loans: Paul V would be entirely justified in doing this as previous Popes, such as Paul III, Pius IV, Gregory XIII and Clement VIII had all reduced the rates of interest, although their financial difficulties were not nearly so serious. The governments of Spain and Venice had acted in a like manner; it was in this way that Venice had in a few years paid off the debt of nine millions, which she had been forced to contract during the last Turkish war.

In his memorandum Malvasia sought to meet every possible objection. In particular he took pains to point out that the owners of the luoghi di monti had no right to complain if they only obtained the face-value of the loans under the Pope’s redemption scheme, for in most cases this had been expressly reserved by the Apostolic Camera; and even if it had not been so, the justification lay in the very nature of the case. Malvasia recalls in this connection that previous Popes, as for example Paul IV, had been forced to sell the luoghi in the monti vacabili at 50; and quite recently Clement VIII had been forced to sell the luoghi of the monti di pace at 96. For the rest, one could indemnify those who had acquired the luoghi above par.

Malvasia also pointed to the general economic interests which would benefit by the adoption of his scheme. It could not but be beneficial if an end were made of the custom of obtaining through the monti life annuities without having to do any work. Also, the million taken from St. Angelo for the purpose of discharging the obligations on loans would bring fresh capital into circulation, which would be beneficial to agriculture, trade and industry. The consequent increase in customs duties would benefit the Pope.

Malvasia supported his plans with an appendix in which he gives accurate statistics. From these we learn that the debts of the Apostolic Camera had mounted to no less than 12,242,620 scudi in 1606, while the annual interest charges were 1,800,600. Malvasia showed how this last could be reduced to either 489,702 or 612,130 by a reduction of the interest to 4 per cent or 5 per cent respectively.

Paul V shrank from such drastic measures as were suggested to him in these proposals. A decisive factor in their rejection, in addition to other reasons, was the fact that the Pope was unwilling to take, even temporarily, a million in gold from the treasure in St. Angelo, the employment of which had been carefully circumscribed by solemn bulls. An attempt to balance the budget by means of economies proved fruitless.

And so the old system of defraying expenses through the monti and the sale of offices, initiated principally by Sixtus V, remained substantially in possession. This way seemed easier than that indicated by Malvasia. An incentive to persist in this also lay in the fact that the luoghi di monti, even after Paul V had reduced the rate of interest in some cases, remained much in demand in view of the greater security offered.

The new loans, which Paul V raised, were not of course large in individual cases, but they were repeated so frequently that they gradually totalled a considerable sum. In the years 1608-1618 Paul V contracted debts to the amount of two millions. In the last years of his pontificate the debt rose even further; in the autumn of 1619, according to the statement of Paul V himself, it had risen to eighteen millions. And since the fixed annual income, according to the notes of majordomo Costaguti, amounted to 1,375,000 scudi, it was only possible to make ends meet by relying on uncertain and variable revenues which, according to the same authority, amounted to 435,000 scudi. That these variable sources of revenue were great is likewise attested by Mocenigo, the Venetian ambassador. He lays stress on the fact that the Popes were still able to collect large sums of money, through tithes and subsidies, not only in the Papal States but in other countries as well. For the rest Costaguti assures us that towards the end of his reign, Paul V thought seriously about the establishment of an ordered economy and the reduction of the burden of debts: only death prevented him from carrying out this work.

CHAPTER IV.

Ecclesiastico-Political Struggle with Venice and Proclamation of the Interdict.