In the history of New Mexico after 1863 chronologic annals have but
            small part. The government record, Indian affairs, industries and institutions,
            and local matters will be treated in four successive chapters. All these, and
            especially the first, will be devoted for the most part, not to a consecutive
            narration of events, but to classified records and statistical matter showing
            the territory’s condition and development, a large part of which matter may be
            presented most profitably in fine-print notes. I begin, however, by appending a
            chronologic summary of the most important happenings of 1864-86, embracing many
            topics to be noted more fully in the following pages and chapters. And the
            completeness and utility of this summary are increased by extending it backward,
            so far as leading events are concerned, to the American occupation in 1846; and
            even farther, in the briefest of outlines, to the beginning of New Mexican
            annals.
            
          
          The territory was ruled from 1864 by a succession of eight governors:
            Henry Connelly from 1864, Robert B. Mitchell from 1866, William A. Pile in
            1869-71, Marsh Giddings in 1871-5, Samuel B. Axtell in 1875-8, Lewis Wallace in
            1878-81, Lionel A. Sheldon in 1881-4, and Edmund G. Roes from 1885. Most of the rulers managed New Mexican affairs with commendable tact
            and honesty, taking some pains to acquaint themselves with the territory’s
            needs, so far as can be determined from their messages, from the praise of
            friends and censure of foes, and from the various records of their official
            acts, though not appointed with any special view to their fitness or the
            people’s desires, and having but slight opportunity for useful service.
            Connelly, as we have seen, was a weak man, of good intentions, who,
            notwithstanding his loyal sentiments, made no very brilliant record as a ‘war’
            governor. He died in office, and was succeeded temporarily by W. F. M. Amy, the
            secretary, a man prominent in Indian affairs and other public matters, involved
            in many controversies, but of good repute. Governor Mitchell incurred the
            enmity of the legislature to such an extent as to call out from that body a
            resolution for his removal. He was accused of having absented himself during
            the session, removing on his return the officials appointed by Secretary Heath,
            and refusing to sanction a memorial passed in his absence. He even had the
            audacity to appoint a delegate to congress to fill a vacancy! It was resolved
            to send laws not approved by him to congress for confirmation, at the same time
            asking for an abrogation of the governor’s absolute veto power, which was
            granted by an amendment of the organic act in 1868. There was a controversy
            between the governor and secretary, the latter being denounced in public
            meetings at the capital but sustained by two resolutions of the assembly. Of
            Governor Pile, but little appears beyond the stupid blunder by which half the
            old Spanish archives were lost, as noticed elsewhere. He was later United
            States minister in Venezuela. Governor Giddings died in office in 1875, and was
            succeeded temporarily by Secretary Ritch, a man who as secretary, acting
            governor, president of the Immigration Society, author, and citizen has been
            since 1873 one of the most active and successful workers for the benefit of his
            territory. Governor Axtell was later chief justice; Governor Wallace, famous as
            a general and as an author; and Sheldon, a most efficient and popular governor.
            
          
          It will be noted that the preponderance of Spanish names is even more
            marked than in the assemblies of earlier years. Indeed, until the last
            sessions, almost the whole membership was made up of native New Mexicans, all
            business being transacted in the Spanish language, so that the journals and
            laws had to be translated into English for publication. A few prominent
            families in each county still controlled the elections, though perhaps in
            somewhat less degree than formerly. In politics the legislature was generally and nominally republican, though political
            considerations were always secondary to those of a local and personal nature.
            There were a few petty wrangles over organization; notably in 1884, when the
            councilmen from Bernalillo and Santa Fé were refused their seats on allegations
            of fraudulent election, and the contestants without certificates were sworn in
            by the secretary, on a vote of the other members that they were entitled prima
            facie to the seats. This led to the organization of a rival council under the
            management of J. F. Chavez, and to much controversy; but I have found no record
            of the final decision as to the legality of the acts of the legislature thus
            informally organized.
            
          
          A résumé of legislative proceedings is given in a note. General remarks
            in an earlier chapter may be applied to the proceedings during this later
            period; and now, as before, there is a large mass of legislation, important in
            a sense, which cannot be satisfactorily summarized in the space at my disposal.
            It is not, moreover, my purpose to present in any sense a compilation of the
            laws, but only an outline of the more important acts from session to session. Several
            topics of interest in this connection will be noticed later in this chapter.
            Down to 1869-70 the sessions were annual In 1866-7 a
            bill was passed by the house amending the organic act and providing for
            biennial sessions; this became a law for all territories in 1869; and from 1871
            the assembly met biennially, though in 1873—4 and again in 1876 memorials in
            favor of yearly sessions were sent to Washington. By act of congress in 1871
            the legislature was authorized to meet on the first Monday in December; but in
            1876 this date was changed to the first Monday in January, and the assembly met
            accordingly in 1878-84. The same body again changed the date from the even to
            the odd years, beginning with 1883, and members were elected
              accordingly; but for want of an appropriation from congress no change
            was made. Very nearly the same effect, however, was accomplished by an act of
            1884 changing the date from January to December; and the 27th assembly met in
            December 1886. A memorial of 1866-7 called for increased pay for legislators
            and other officials; and an act of 1869 added five dollars a day to the pay
            received from the federal government, which in 1878 was fixed by congress at
            four dollars, with six dollars for president and speaker. At the same time the
            number of council-men was limited to twelve and of
            representatives to 24, though an increase from 13 to 18 and from 26 to 36 had
            been asked for in 1868-9. In 1880 the sessions were limited to 60 days.
            Congress passed a special act legalizing the laws of 1866-7 signed by an acting
            governor; and also legalized the election of November
            1882, which had been held with a view to a session in 1883.
            
          
          Congressional action on New Mexico did not extend far beyond the
            granting of the annual appropriations for government expenses, which, in years
            when the legislature met, were from $33,000 to $40,000, and about half as much
            in other years, besides much larger amounts for Indian affairs and the military
            department. Bills relating to this distant territory were, as a rule, referred
            to committees, and never heard of again; but occasionally, acts were passed,
            chiefly of a routine nature, some of which have been mentioned in connection
            with legislative proceedings, and others I shall have occasion to notice in
            treating other topics.
            
          
          Delegates to congress have been named in the official list. They did,
            apparently, all that territorial delegates might do
            for their constituents, which was very little.
            
          
          The seat of Perea in 1863-4 was unsuccessfully
            contested by Gallegos. For the congress of 1867-8 there was no election in New
            Mexico at the proper time, and Governor Mitchell took the liberty of appointing
            John S. Watts as delegate ad interim, but he was not admitted, all agreeing
            that the governor had no such power. At the September election C. P. Clever had
            a majority of 97 votes, his election being certified by the governor, and pro
            forma by the secretary, and the delegate taking his seat. But Secretary Heath
            sent a separate certificate, to the effect that the election was fraudulent,
            which was supported by a resolution of the legislature; and after a long
            discussion Chavez, the contestant, was seated in February 1869, so that Clever
            was virtually the delegate in the fortieth congress. Again, in 1883, though
            Luna received the certificate of election, Manzanares, the contestant, was
            seated by a unanimous vote of the house.
            
          
          On the public buildings, capitol and penitentiary, no progress was made
            after 1857, when about $100,000 had been expended on the foundations, though
            there were frequent appeals to congress for appropriations to complete the
            structures. Meanwhile, the old adobe ‘palace’ was used for all public purposes.
            On this building repairs to the extent of $5,000 were made in 1866-7; but
            nothing more was done; the roof was leaky, the exterior was unplastered,
            and the rooms were small and inconvenient. “It is safe to say no other
            legislative body in the United States, outside of New Mexico, ever met inside
            of such disgraceful surroundings,” wrote Secretary Hitch in 1875. In 1877-8,
            however, $2,260 was expended, of which $1,680 was paid by the national
            government, and the balance provided for by act of the legislature. In 1880
            congress was asked to cede the site and foundations of the new structures to
            the territory, and the legislature of 1884 appropriated $200,000 in 20-year
            seven-per-cent bonds for their completion.
            
          
          Meanwhile, despite an appropriation of $40 in 1866-7 for shelves, the
            territorial library and the archives were in a fearful condition of neglect.
            Many books were scattered, lost, or stolen; and the rest were left in disorder
            and dirt. The sale of the old Spanish archives for wrapping paper in the time
            of Governor Pile, 1869-71, has been elsewhere noted. Governor Giddings boxed up
            about five cords of such remnants as could be rescued, to protect them from the
            weather and further loss. In 1880 the Historical Society of New Mexico was
            reorganized, and this society, or rather Ritch, Prince, and a few other
            individuals acting in its name, has accomplished something toward the
            preservation of relics and records and awakening interest in historical
            matters. Since 1882, under the care of Samuel Ellison as librarian, the
            archives and library have been kept in order, and the former to some extent
            classified.
            
          
          The territory was never in very desperate straits financially. In 1864
            there was reported in the treasury a surplus of $5,416, which, however,
            dwindled to $15 in 1867, becoming a debt of §17,029 the next year, and of
            $70,000 in 1871. The debt diminished to $15,181 in 1880, was $25,372 in 1883,
            and was apparently wiped out in 1884. The assessed value of property, which had
            been $20,000,000 in I860, before he cutting-off of Arizona and Colorado, was
            about $18,000,000 in 1870, in 1880 apparently several millions less—though there
            is no agreement between different reports—and in 1884 about $29,000,000. The
            rate of taxation was never excessively high, the total rate in 1884, according
            to the governors report, being eleven and one fourth
            mills on the dollar, of which five were for the territory, three for schools,
            two and one half for the counties, and the rest for interest, the poll tax of
            one dollar being for the benefit of schools.
            
          
          Claims of New Mexican citizens against the United States were of several
            different classes, including those for losses in the revolt of 1847, for Indian
            depredations in the later vears, for militia service
            against the Indians, for similar service against the confederates, and for the
            destruction of property by the latter. Almost every legislature in memorials,
            and the governors in their messages, urged the payment of these claims; and the
            subject came up at nearly every session of congress after as well as before
            1864; but I cannot learn that any of the demands were ever paid.
            
          
          A “Revised Code of New Mexico” had been prepared in 1856, but not
            published, so far as I know. In 1862 the governor, authorized by an act of
            1859, appointed Kirby Benedict, C. P. Clever, and Facundo Pino as commissioners
            to codify the laws; but their work was delayed by Pino’s death and other
            causes. In 1864 the legislature authorized the secretary to appoint a
            commission, and Justice Houghton and four others were appointed; but Governor
            Connelly vetoed the act, and apparently filled the old board or appointed a new
            one, since the result was published in 1865. A new revision was urged by
            governor and legislature in 1871-2 and again in 1875-6, an act of the latter
            year authorizing the appointment of five commissioners; but nothing was
            accomplished, apparently. In 1880 a similar act was
            passed, and a joint resolution rejoiced in the early completion of Judge
            Prince’s compilation, at the same time asking for funds for its publication;
            but we hear no more of this work. Finally, under an act of 1884, a new
            compilation was published in 1885.
            
          
          From 1861 there were frequent efforts to secure the admission of the
            territory of New Mexico into the union as a state; and in 1872 a constitution
            was formed by a convention formed for that purpose. The population was
            sufficient, much larger than that of some other states at the time of their
            admission, but the prospective politics of the new state was generally not
            encouraging to the administration or the dominant party in congress; and
            moreover, there was a valid objection to the character of the native
            inhabitants, whose language was foreign, and who had but slight knowledge
            respecting the principles of American government. The subject was somewhat complicated
            with Indian affairs and frontier controversies; and it was feared that the
            admission of such a people might establish a bad precedent for the future if
            new territory should ever be acquired on the south. Therefore, New Mexico’s
            legitimate ambition for statehood has not been gratified. But the matter is
            still agitated, and it is not unlikely that, under new political exigencies and
            the aims of a democratic administration, the desire of the people may be
            gratified at no very distant day. For a time it was
            proposed to call the new state Lincoln.
            
          
          The geologic and geographic surveys of the western United States
            territories, executed under the charge of Professor Hayden and Captain Wheeler
            in 1869-78, included a considerable portion of New Mexico, the reports and maps
            containing a vast amount of valuable information, which cannot be even
            summarized here. The southern boundary having been fixed by the national or
            treaty survey, the northern, eastern, and western lines were successively
            surveyed under appropriations of congress made in 1867, 1873, and 1875, the
            work being simply the determination of the different meridians and parallels,
            but furnishing, naturally, considerable geographical and other information.
            There were unsuccessful attempts to restore the tract containing Conejos,
            Costilla, and Culebra from Colorado to New Mexico; to attach the Moreno mining
            district to Colorado; and to set off Grant county in
            the south-west as part of Arizona.
            
          
          In the matter of crime and disorder the territory presents a record that
            is by no means unfavorable, considering the circumstances of position on the
            Mexican frontier, constant ravages of Indian foes, defective organization of
            the courts, lack of suitable jails, the ignorance and primitive character of
            the people, and the presence of miners, soldiers, and liquor-traders in remote
            parts of the country. Of course, there were many irregularities and lawless
            acts, the record of which is very imperfect and cannot be presented in detail
            here even so far as it exists; but the New Mexicans proved themselves to a much
            greater extent than has generally been believed abroad a peaceful and
            law-abiding people. From 1878 to 1882 the state of affairs in most districts, particularly in the south, was much worse than at other
            periods. The population of New Mexico in 1860, with some imperfectly estimated
            deductions for the territory detached later, has been given as 80,567,
            exclusive of Indians. In 1870 the figures had increased to 90,573, and in 1880
            to 109,793. Of these numbers, in the two years respectively, 180 and 1,015 were
            colored; and in 1880 there were also 57 Chinese. The number born in New Mexico
            was 82,193 and 92,271; born in other parts of the United States 2,760 and
            9,471; born in Mexico 3,903 and 5,173; born in other foreign countries 1,717
            and 2,878. The governor’s estimate in 1883 was 150,000, and the population may
            have reached that figure in 1886.
            
          
          
             
          
          SEAL
            OF NEW MEXICO.
                
          
          
           
          CHAPTER XXIX.
          INDIAN AND MILITARY AFFAIRS.
          1864-1887.