THE WARS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 1700 A.D.

I. A PEACE THROUGHOUT THE WORLD.—2. A BRITISH FLEET SENT TO THE BALTIC.—3. WAR BETWEEN DENMARK AND SWEDEN—TREATY AT TRAVENDAHL.—4. WAR BETWEEN SWEDEN, POLAND, AND RUSSIA. 5. THE BATTLE OF NARVA.—6. DEATH OF CHARLES II, KING OF SPAIN. LOUIS XIV. OF FRANCE SEIZES THE SPANISH NETHERLANDS.

On the 1st of January, 1700, the gates of the temple of Janus might have been closed. Peace reigned throughout the civilized world. The treaty of Ryswick, concluded in 1697, had established harmony between France, Great Britain, the German Empire, Holland, Italy, and Spain. Germany had become pacified with Turkey by the treaty of Carlovitz; and a truce for thirty years had been concluded between the Sublime Porte and the Czar of Russia. In the west of Asia, Aurungzebe reigned without a rival in India, and Kang-he governed in peace the vast Tartar regions. In military reputation, France was recognized as the leading power, and Louis XIV was in the zenith of his glory. Great Britain, having secured her civil liberties, had reappeared upon the battlefields of Europe, under her constitutional king, William III, who was acknowledged to be the first general of the age. As Stadtholder of Holland, he had exalted himself to a high influence in Europe before he obtained the crown of Britain. But his British soldiers had displayed their ancient prowess at Steinkirk, Landau, and Namur,—names which will live for ever in the bloodless campaigns of Uncle Toby and Corporal Trim. Russia may be said to have entered the family of nations on this very first of January, when the Czar Peter I having just returned from the workshops of Holland and England, established the European calendar of time. Her envoys had already penetrated to the Western courts, and opened negotiations with them; but till this period she had been considered more Asiatic than European.

So strong was the feeling and expectation of peace, that the British Parliament called upon their sovereign to reduce his standing army at the beginning of this year to 7000 men, and the sea forces to 8000. Nevertheless, in the month of May a fleet consisting of thirty sail, English and Dutch, was placed under the command of Vice-Admiral Sir George Rooke, and despatched to the Baltic. A confederacy had been entered into between the Northern powers to oppress and annihilate the young King of Sweden, and Charles XII had appealed to the sovereigns who were bound by treaty to assist him, alleging that without any just cause the czar and the King of Poland had made war upon him.

Without any public declaration of war, 40,000 Saxons, under General Fleming, suddenly sat down before Riga, on March 12, and summoned the Count Von Dahlberg, who commanded in the place for the King of Sweden. Dahlberg replied that he was prepared to defend it. As soon as Charles XII heard of this transaction, he appealed, as has been already stated, to the protecting powers, and on the 13th of April he issued a proclamation to his subjects calling, on them to stand to their allegiance to him. He next equipped a fleet of forty-two sail, manned with 14,000 men, to unite with Sir George Rooke’s force; and also despatched 26,000 or 30,000 men under General Ferson to the succour of Riga. The Danes, at this time, kept the sea with a power much superior to the Swedes, and at first they thought to endeavour to hinder the junction of the confederate squadrons: but as it was their whole strength, they dared not risk losing it, and accordingly withdrew it into the port of Copenhagen. On the 20th of July, Sir George Rooke arrived before that capital, and immediately bombarded the fleet under the castle. The young king witnessed this, his first feat of arms, from the deck of the great Swedish ship, “The Royal Charles,” said to have been the largest vessel of war that had till then been built, and carrying 120 guns. But it did not suit the temperament of Charles XII to be an idle spectator of war—burning to flesh his maiden sword, he made a descent with some of the crew on the isle of Zealand, and, with characteristic impatience, he is said to have jumped out of the shallop that took him towards the shore, up to his middle in the water, and placing himself, sword in hand, at the head of his men, would have marched forthwith on Copenhagen. But Sir George showed himself, on this occasion, to be as good a politician as he was a warrior. He displayed the greatest firmness in enforcing the resolution of is sovereign to procure an equitable peace for Sweden; but be would not permit the young and impetuous monarch to make use of the power he had brought to his aid towards his own aggrandizement; and on the 18th of August he presented a treaty, which he made both Danes and Swedes accept at Travendahl.

From Copenhagen, therefore, the King of Sweden hastened to Riga, but he found that the King of Poland had already raised the siege. This sovereign had come in person, on the 4th of July, and sat down before it, but, in deference to the King of England, he now drew off his forces and marched them away. He was, however, no party to the treaty of Travendahl, but resolved to unite with the Czar Peter, who now openly declared war against Sweden. In the month of October, this monarch advanced to besiege Narva, with an army of 70,000 foot, 25,000 horse, and an immense train of artillery. The young king placed himself at the head of his whole army, consisting of but 16,000 foot and 4000 horse, which he transported by water, in 200 vessels, and landed at Pernau. Thence, on the 15th of November, he pushed forward to Revel. He instantly placed himself at the head of his cavalry and some 4000 infantry, and marched in search of his enemy. He soon came up with an advanced guard of about 5000 Russians, strongly posted amidst the rocks of a defile, supported by a corps of 20,000 men behind it. This advanced guard no sooner saw the Swedes than it turned about and fled, carrying disorder into the main body.

Delighted at his first success, Charles determined to attack the 24,000 Russians before him, with all their cannon, without waiting for his troops to come up to him. Some of his veterans remonstrated with him on the risk of such a proceeding, but he replied, with coolness and with greater judgment than usually marked his character, “Surely I have two advantages over the enemy; one, that my troops are superior, and the other, that the position they occupy is too narrow for their numbers.

The king, after resting his army a short time, prepared to give battle, but first ordered public prayers to be offered up by the whole of the troops. He then formed them in review order, and thus addressed them, “Behave yourselves like brave men, and be not daunted with the great body of the enemy; be convinced that God, the protector of right, will not fail to strengthen us, provided we do our duty and confide in Him. I desire no more from you than what I will do myself. I will show you the example ; you have only to follow it.” This short exhortation had all the effect the king desired. The soldiers cried out together, “We are ready to live and die with “you.”

It was near midday on the 36th of November when the King of Sweden advanced upon the Russian intrenched camp with the troops and guns that had been brought up. A furious snow-storm blew right in the enemy’s face, which so blinded them, that they thought the Swedish artillery, which only consisted of ten guns, admirably placed and well served, was more numerous than it was. The czar had the advantages of the services of the Duke de Croi, a Frenchman, Generals Allard, Weide, and other German officers of distinction, by whose advice and judgment he had posted his troops; but he himself was at the moment gone back to bring up the remainder of his army. In the mean time the Russian intrenchments were breached, and the Swedes, headed by their intrepid king, poured in through them. For an hour and a half the Muscovite soldiers stood firm; but they then turned and fled. Charles, at the head of the 4000 or 5000 men he had with him, pursued the whole Russian host as far as the bridge across the river. He was always in the van, one horse had been shot under him, and he received a spent ball in the neck, which rested in the folds of his cravat. The bridge broke under the flying fugitives, and thousands were drowned. All order was at an end, and General Dolgoruki refused to receive orders from the Duke de Croi and the foreign generals. The consequence was that almost all of them delivered up their swords. The young conqueror of eighteen years of age received them with a courtesy and politeness that would have become a sovereign of maturer years. He returned their swords to the Duke de Croi and the superior officers, and ordered them money for their immediate expenses. The inferior officers and soldiers, he, more generously than wisely, set free to rejoin their companions, after depriving them of their arms; so that they immediately rejoined the czar’s army. Night now approached; but the king found that there was still a considerable body of men who maintained their position on one flank of the camp. He immediately seized the Russian artillery he had captured, and placed them in position to dislodge this force at break of day; whilst in the meanwhile he wrapped himself in his cloak, and laid down to sleep. But at two in the morning, General Vede, who commanded this corps of the enemy, sent in to solicit his Majesty to accept his submission; and whilst it was yet dark, these troops, many thousands in number, defiled before the king, laying down their arms and their colours, and passing across the river. If these might be called prisoners, they were four times more numerous than the conquering army, whose whole loss in the battle did not exceed 1200 men, whilst of the Russians those who were killed and drowned were estimated at 6000 men. The consequences of this victory to the King of Sweden were immense. He had advanced without any regard to supplies; now magazines, vessels of transport full of provisions, and a large extent of country from whence to draw further supplies, were obtained for his army, together with an immense amount of arms and ammunition, whilst he had at once obtained for himself the prestige and the reputation of a first-rate general. The czar, hastening up with his reinforcements, learned midway the result of the battle, but he felt it would be unwise with his inexperienced troops, however numerous, to attempt to recover his ground against an army better disciplined than his own, and flushed with victory. He was nevertheless unshaken under this adversity. “ I knew very well,” said he, “that these Swedes would beat me at first; but we shall in the end learn to conquer them.”

6. Death of Charles II, King of Spain. Louis XIV seizes the Spanish Netherlands.

ON the third of November, 1700, died Charles the Second, the last male of the austrian dynasty, which had governed Spain from the death of Ferdinand and Isabella to the period at which these Memoirs commence.

The king had scarcely expired, before the ministers and officers of state assembled, according to antient custom, to examine and publish the royal testament. As this was a new era in the History of Spain, and as general anxiety prevailed to know the new sovereign, the palace was crowded with people of all ranks, and the antichamber filled with the foreign ministers and principal courtiers, all eager to receive the earliest intelligence. At length the folding doors being thrown open, the duke of Abrantes appeared, and a general silence ensued to hear the nomination. Near the door stood the two ministers of France and Austria, Blecourt and Harrach. Blecourt advanced with the confidence of a man who expected a declaration in his favour; but the Spaniard, casting on him a look of indifference, advanced to Harrach and embraced him with a fervour which announced the most joyful tidings. Maliciously prolonging his compliment, and repeating his embrace, he said, “Sir, it is with the greatest pleasure—Sir, it is with the greatest satisfaction—for my whole life— I take my leave of the most illustrious House of Austria.”* The embassador, who during this strange address had already begun to express his own satisfaction and promise the future favour of his sovereign, was thunderstruck with the malicious unexpected insult; and it required all his firmness to remain and hear the contents of the will, which overthrew the hopes and baffled the plans of his imperial master.

Blecourt retired exultingly to announce the joyful news of the nomination of a french prince, and the same day dispatched an abstract of the will, with which he was instantly supplied by the zealous care of Portocarrero.

This celebrated testament consisted of fifty-nine articles. The first eleven related to matters of religion and internal government; the twelfth to the succession of the issue of Charles should he leave heirs. This served as an introductory clause to the thirteenth and fourteenth articles, which contained the dispositions for the transfer of the monarchy to a new sovereign.

The will declared Philip duke of Anjou, second son of the dauphin, heir of the whole Spanish monarchy; in case of his death without issue, or accession to the french crown, entailed it on his brother the duke of Berry, on the same condition; next on the archduke Charles, second son of the Emperor, with a similar provision against its union with the austrian dominions; and finally on the duke of Savoy and his heirs. The testament recommended the immediate successor to espouse one of the archduchesses. Should the new king be a minor or absent, the administration was vested in a junta or council of regency, consisting, as was customary, of the queen as president, and the principal members of the church and state; namely, the primate archbishop of Toledo, cardinal Portocarrero; the inquisitor-general, Don Balthazar de Mendoza; the presidents of Castile and Aragon, Don Manuel Arias, and the duke of Montalto; and the representatives of the grandees and council of state, the counts of Benevente and Frigiliana.

The object of the will was evidently threefold: to prevent the dismemberment of the Spanish monarchy; to obviate the danger of uniting the two crowns of France and Spain on the same head; lastly, to preserve the natural order of succession. The choice of a french prince was supported on the principle, that the renunciations of the two infantas, aunt and sister of the testator, were merely intended to prevent the union of the two crowns of France and Spain; and that danger being obviated by the dispositions of the will, the natural right of succession necessarily took place.

By an article of the testament, and a codicil executed on the 5th of October, a proper maintenance was assigned to the widow queen; and the successor of the monarchy was enjoined to confide to her the government Of the Netherlands or any part of the Italian provinces at her choice; or, if she preferred remaining in Spain, to grant her the government and jurisdiction of the place where she might establish her residence.

The junta of regency instantly assumed the functions of government; and their first care was to announce to the king of France the decease of their sovereign and the nomination of Philip duke of Anjou. With this communication and a copy of the will, a messenger was dispatched to France; and he was enjoined, if the testament was refused by the french court, to proceed to Vienna and offer the succession to the archduke Charles, in conformity with the dispositions of the deceased prince. Meanwhile the change of government was received in Spain with all the national sedateness; and the people waited with anxiety, though in tranquillity, the decision which was to give them a new sovereign.

The copy of the will was accompanied with letters from the junta, requesting Louis to acknowledge the new monarch, and send him without delay to take possession of the throne. The king of France had already time to form his resolution on this important occasion; for he had been regularly acquainted with the progress of the whole transaction, and the intrigues of his partizans; and recent messengers had arrived from Blecourt at Madrid, and Harcourt on the frontiers, announcing the contents and signature of the will.

The court was at Fontainebleau when the Spanish messenger arrived with the communication of the junta. After the solemn professions, and engagements of Louis with the maritime. powers, he deemed it necessary to affect some little prudery, in order to justify his. conduct in the face of Europe. He therefore declined receiving the Spanish embassador who was to present the will, till he had taken the advice of his council. This body was accordingly assembled, and consisted of the dauphin, the chancellor Pontchartrain, the duke of Beauvilliers, chief of the council of finance and governor of the duke of Anjou, and the marquis of Torci, secretary of foreign affairs, The question was agitated with the same seriousness, as if it had been a matter of real deliberation. The solitary voice of the duke of Beauvilliers was. alone heard in favour of the treaty of partition; the chancellor with due legal formality contented1 himself with a simple exposition of the case; Torci calmly urged the necessity of accepting the will; and his sentiment was briefly but strongly supported by the dauphin, who after adverting to his own rights, declared that his. highest ambition would be gratified by being at once the son and father of a King.

Louis, after listening with attention and complacency to these deliberations, affected to concur in the opinion of his son, and announced his resolution to accept the will. He communicated his determination to the Spanish embassador in a private audience, and transmitted a speedy answer to the junta.

“The marquis of Castel Rios,f has transmitted to us the clauses of the testament, which relate to the succession, and the wise dispositions for the government of the kingdom till the arrival or majority of the successor.

“The sensible grief which we feel for the loss of a prince, whom his excellent qualities, and the strict ties of blood, rendered most dear to us, is infinitely increased by the proofs which he gave us at his death, of his justice arid love for his faithful subjects, and the desire he shewed to maintain after his decease the general quiet of Europe and the happiness of his kingdoms. We will on our part contribute to both, answering the confidence he always reposed in us, and conforming ourself to his intentions expressed on the will. All our care henceforth will be to raise, by an inviolable and strict correspondence, the Spanish monarchy to the highest pitch of grandeur. We accept in favour of our grandson the duke of Anjou, the will of the deceased Catholic king; our only son the dauphin accepts it also, yielding without any reluctance the just rights of the deceased queen his mother, and our dear spouse, as well as those of the deceased queen our most honoured lady and mother, which were indisputably acknowledged by the opinion of the several ministers of state and justice, consulted1 by the deceased king of Spain. Far from reserving to himself any part of the monarchy, he sacrifices his own interest to the desire of reestablishing the antient lustre of a crown, which the will of the late Catholic king, and the voice of his people have unanimously given to our grandson. We will cause the duke of Anjou immediately to depart, that he may the sooner give his subjects the satisfaction of receiving a king, whom they are persuaded God has called to their throne. His first duty ought to be, to cause virtue, justice, and religion to reign with him, and wholly to apply himself to promote the happiness of his people, to raise and maintain the grandeur of so mighty a monarchy to choose always, and reward those whom he shall find in a nation so valiant and wise, capable of serving him in his councils and his armies, and the different departments of the church and state. We will instruct him further in what he owes to his subjects so inviolably devoted to their king; and what to his own proper glory. We will enjoin him to remember his birth, to preserve the love of his country, but above all, to maintain for ever that peace and perfect good understanding so necessary to the common happiness of our subjects and of his own, which has always been the principal object of our wishes; and if the misfortunes of past conjunctures have hindered us from making it appear, we are persuaded this great event will so alter the state of things, that every future day will produce new occasions to shew our esteem and particular good will, to the whole Spanish nation

This communication was accompanied with a private letter written by Louis himself, acknowledging the services of Portocarrero with the strongest expressions of gratitude and regard, as the person to whom his grandson principally owed his crown. He promised his future protection and aid, and. concluded with assurances, that the young sovereign should be guided by his. counsels.

The political farce on the acceptance of the will was acted at Fontainebleau; but the more pompous part of the representation was reserved for Versailles. The king summoned the dauphin; with his children, the dukes of Burgundy, Anjou and. Berry, and the Spanish embassador, into his cabinet, and briefly addressed the young duke of Anjou: “Sir; the king of Spain has made you a king. The nobles demand you, the people desire you, and I give my consent. You are going to reign over the greatest monarchy in the world, and over a brave people who have been ever distinguished for their honour and loyalty. I recommend you to love them, and gain their affection, by the mildness of your: government”. Turning to the embassador, he added “Sir, salute your king:” and the embassador, kneeling down, expressed his homage in a long compliment.

The folding doors being then thrown open, Louis advanced with that air of majesty which he knew how to assume, and addressed the courtly crowd. “Sirs,” he said, “behold the king of Spain: his birth and the will of the late monarch have called him to the throne. The whole Spanish nation demand him; it is the decree of Heaven, and I yield to it with pleasure.” Again directing his speech to the young prince, he continued, “Be a good Spaniard, this is your first duty. But remember that you were born a Frenchman to maintain the union between the two crowns. You will thus render both nations happy, and preserve the peace of Europe.”

The young prince immediately received the customary honours of royalty, with the congratulations of his family and the court: and the short interval before his departure was employed by Louis in preparing him for the duties of his new station.

Repeated solicitations from the regency announced the impatience of the nation to hail their new monarch, and expatiated on the danger of giving time to the austrian adherents to recover from their surprise and consternation; and Philip was publicly proclaimed at Madrid as soon as the acceptance of the will was notified. These representations induced Louis to hasten bis departure.

On the fourth of January the new sovereign departed from a court which he was never more to revisit. He had a long conference with his grandfather, and afterwards attended the solemn celebration of mass, with the whole royal family, amidst a vast concourse of spectators. After this ceremony, the royal party quitted Paris in the same carriage, with a cavalcade unusually numerous, and proceeded through applauding multitudes to Sceaux, which was destined as the place of separation. At taking their last leave, the force of nature overbore all the dictates and forms of policy, and the parting was long, affecting, and tender, accompanied with tears and expressions of mutual sorrow.

At the moment of separation Louis presented the princes of the royal house to Philip with the memorable address. “Behold,” he said, “the princes of my blood and of yours. The two nations should consider themselves but as one; they ought to have the same interests; and therefore I hope that these princes will be as much attached to you as to me. Henceforward there will be no Pyrenees.” Words which announced to Europe the alarming effects to be expected from the union of these two great monarchies in the same family.

After a short retirement to calm their emotion, Louis returned to Versailles, and the dauphin repaired to Meudon. Philip took the route to Spain, accompanied by his two brothers till he reached his own frontier. Their progress was marked with all the honours which a loyal nation could pay to the grandson of its sovereign, and to a prince who added the lustre of a second crown to the splendour of the House of Bourbon. The royal party descended the Garonne in magnificent barges to Bourdeaux, where the constable of Castile, deputed as extraordinary embassador from the new government to Louis, presented his respects and homage to his future sovereign. Prom hence they proceeded by Bayonne and St. Jean de Luz, and took leave of each other in the Isle of Pheasants, that memorable spot where the treaty was executed with such solemnity, which was to exclude the House of Bourbon for ever from Spain, but which now witnessed the breach of that solemn engagement.

Here all the french took their departure, except the duke of Harcourt, the marquis de Louville, and the count d'Ayen; and the young monarch, on the limits of his new kingdom, was surrounded by a splendid suite of Spanish courtiers, who conveyed him in a magnificent barge across the Bidassoa.

It is a singular proof of the nature of the government and the situation and temper of the people, to observe, that amidst all this splendour, the royal equipage was not only deficient in magnificence, but even in convenience; and that the king received only 1,000 pistoles for his journey, While 12,000 had been granted at the same moment to the constable embassador. Curiosity, respect, and affection, in some degree, compensated for this deficiency; for in every part of his passage he was greeted by exulting and admiring crowds, who were captivated by his youth and animated countenance, which formed a pleasing contrast to the premature decrepitude and doleful appearance of the deceased sovereign.

During his journey he followed the injunction which he had received from Louis, to take an opportunity of discarding the widow queen. The pretext for her dismission was furnished by a quarrel between her and the leading members of the junta. To her complaints Philip returned a cold and formal answer. “ Some persons” he observed, “having attempted by different methods to disturb the good intelligence which I hope to maintain with your majesty, I deem it necessary for the quiet of both that you should quit the court till I have investigated the matter. I have given orders that you shall be treated with all due respect; you shall receive the dowry assigned to you by the late king, and you have my permission to choose any town of Spain for your residence”. She lingered for some time, but the continual mortifications which she received from Portocarrero drove her to Toledo before Philip reached the capital.

Philip arrived at Madrid on the 18th of February, but as the preparations for his public assumption of the government were not completed, he took up his temporary residence at the palace of Buen Retiro. On the 21st of April he made a triumphal entry, with a magnificence Calculated to flatter a chivalrous and high spirited nation, and to display all the splendour of a crown esteemed by its subjects the most powerful in the whole Christian world.

The eyes of Spain and of Europe were turned to the young king, who was to form the commencement of a new dynasty, and whose accession was a new sera in the political history of modem times. Philip had just entered the seventeenth year of his age, and at a time when the ardour and petulance of youth exert their full force, was of so sedate or so docile a character, as to justify the remark of his governor the duke of Beauvilliers, that his royal pupil had never given him a moment of uneasiness or contradiction. With this pliant disposition, bred up in a bigotted and monotonous court, where every thing bore the stamp of submission, and bent before the nod of the great monarch, Philip had learnt to regard the person and will of his grandfather with a respect almost bordering on adoration. He had imbibed also, a deep and awful sense of religion, and in his whole conduct and deportment displayed a moral purity and scrupulous decorum, which are rarely found in courts. A slight deformity of person was compensated by his prepossessing countenance; but he was stiff in his manners, and his good qualities were concealed by extreme timidity, and ignorance of the world. The difficulties and dangers of his situation were too mighty even for a prince of superior capacity and mature? age; and therefore, as the defects pf his character were known, every precaution was necessary to watch over and direct his conduct,

As the primary object of Louis was not a mere disinterested regard for the elevation of his grandson, but a desire to exclude a hostile family, and employ the power, resources, and territories of Spain for the aggrandizement of his own kingdom, the means and persons who were to direct the movements, and fashion the character of Philip, were all adapted to the attainment of this end. The first instructions given by the monarch to his pupil and grandson, amidst much trifling and common place advice, contain the outlines of that system which time and events were to mature and complete.

“Fail in none of your duties, especially towards God. Preserve yourself in the same purity as you have been educated. Promote the honour of God wherever you have power, seek his glory, and give an example; this is one of, the greatest benefits which kings can confer..

“Declare always for virtue and against vice.

“Have no attachment to any person.

“Love your wife, live well with her, ask such a one of God as will suit you. I do not think you should take an austrian.

“Love the Spaniards, and all the subjects attached to your crown and person. Prefer not those who flatter you most, esteem those who for your good hazard your displeasure; these are your true friends.

“Cultivate the happiness of your subjects, and for this cause enter into no war except compelled, and after having well considered and weighed the motives of it in your council.

“Endeavour to restore your finances; watch over your Indies and your fleets; remember commerce; live in a close union with France; nothing being so advantageous for our two powers as an union which nothing can resist.

“If you are compelled to make war, head your armies. Endeavour to re-establish your troops everywhere, and commence with those of Flanders.

“Never quit your business for your pleasure, but lay down rules to yourself which will give you time for liberty and recreation.

“There is none more innocent than the chace, and a taste for a country residence, provided they lead you not into too great an expence.

“Give great attention to business when you are spoken to; at first listen much without deciding.

“When you have acquired more knowledge, recollect that it is your business to decide, but whatever may be your experience, listen always to the advice and arguments of your council before you come to a decision.

“Do everything that is possible to discern the persons of most consideration, in order to employ them on proper occasions.

“Endeavour to employ Spaniards as viceroys and governors.

“Treat all welt say nothing unpleasant to any, but distinguish persons of quality and merit.

“Show your gratitude to the late king and those who were inclined to choose you as his successor.

“Place great confidence in cardinal Portocarrero, and testify to him your approbation of his past conduct.

“I think you ought to do something considerable for the embassador who has been so fortunate as to demand you, and to salute you first in quality of subject.

“Do not forget Bedmar, who is a man of merit, and capable of serving you.

“Place an entire confidence on the duke of Harcourt, he is a man of talents and probity, and will only advise you for your own sake.

“Keep all the french in due order.

“Treat your domestics well, but not with too much familiarity, and still less with confidence; employ them while they are prudent, dismiss them on the slightest fault, and never support them against the Spaniards.

“Have no intercourse with the queen dowager more than you can avoid; contrive that she may quit Madrid, but not retire from Spain. Whereever she may be, observe her conduct, and prevent her from interfering in any business; suspect those who haye too much intercourse with her.

“Love your relations, recollect their concern at losing you; maintain an intimate connection with them both in important and little matters ; ask of us what you want or desire to have, which you do not find in Spain; we will do the same towards you.

“Never forget that you are a frenchman, and that which may happen to you. When you have children to secure the succession of Spain, go to Naples and Sicily, pass to Milan, and come into Flanders. This will be an opportunity to see each other again. Meanwhile visit Catalonia, Aragon, and other places; see what is to be done for Ceuta.

“ Throw some money to the people when you are in Spain, and particularly on entering Madrid.

“Do not appear to be struck with strange figures; beware of ridiculing them; each country has its own manners; you will be soon accustomed to what at first appears the most surprising.

“Avoid as much as possible conferring favours on those who give money to obtain them. Give at proper times liberally, and receive few presents, except trifles. If you cannot decline them, make more considerable ones in return, after an interval of a few days.

“Have a casket to bold particular things, and keep the keys yourself.

“I end with one of the most important precepts which I can give you. Suffer not yourself to be governed; be master'; have neither favourite nor prime minister. Listen, consult your council, but decide. God, who has made you a king, will give you the necessary knowledge while you are guided by good intentions”.

Philip literally obeyed these instructions. He placed his full confidence in Portocarrero; he suffered him to assume the power of forming the new ministry, of gratifying his personal or political antipathies, and filling at his pleasure all offices and appointments of state ; and from the commencement of his reign Philip was the king of a party and the vassal of France, to whom he principally owed his crown.

1700—1701.

Meanwhile Louis had taken every imaginable precaution to prevent opposition on the part of the other powers of Europe, and to secure the acknowledgment of Philip in the Netherlands and in Italy. He had found means to gain the prince of Vaudemont, governor of the Milanese, though an austrian subject, and recommended by the king of England as a confidential general, whose assistance might contribute to secure that duchy for the House of Austria; he was equally successful with the duke of Popoli, viceroy of Naples, who owed his appointment to a similar motive; and he was assured of the fidelity of the elector of Bavaria, who exercised the government of the Netherlands. Philip was accordingly proclaimed in the exterior provinces with the same tranquillity as at Madrid.

Louis, however, was fully convinced that he could never pacify the emperor and the maritime powers, nor quiet the alarms which they justly conceived at the addition of the Spanish monarchy, to the overgrown power of France. As he foresaw, therefore, that the possession of the Spanish crown must ultimately depend on the decision of arms, he had spared no pains to commence a contest with advantage, even before the death of Charles; and he hoped by a prompt and vigorous effort to bring it to a speedy and successful issue. He had gradually collected a powerful army on the Spanish frontier; and the duke of Harcourt, possessing the advantage of local knowledge and connections, was intrusted with the command, with orders to seize the frontier places, Pampeluna, Fuentarabia, and St. Sebastian; and force a way into the peninsula, should there be the slightest doubt of a peaceable submission to Philip. To maintain the internal tranquillity, and cut off all direct support of the disaffected, Louis by threats and promises prevailed on the king of Portugal to acknowledge the new sovereign, and conclude an alliance with the House of Bourbon.

He at the same time secured an entrance into, Italy by negotiating a marriage between Philip and a princess of Savoy, and by promising the duke the supreme command of the army which was to act in Italy. He likewise obtained permission to introduce a french garrison into Mantua, the citadel of Lombardy, and the key of the principal military passage from Germany.

But it was against the maritime powers and the emperor that he employed the best combined and profoundest precautions. As Holland and the Netherlands formed the connecting link between England and Austria, and as security on that vulnerable quarter of his empire would enable him to pour his principal force into Germany and Italy, he exerted all the resources of his policy to become master of the Netherlands, which opened a way into Holland, and gave him a valuable extent of coast on the channel. With this view he had secretly tampered with the elector of Bavaria, and even before the death of the late king had obtained his nomination to the government of the Netherlands, and had stationed an army on the frontier ready to invade them at the first signal.

It will be sufficient barely to mention that he was assured of deriving the used advantages from the support of the electors and princes of the Rhine; that he fomented the incurable jealousy of the german states against the emperor, and was secretly favoured by many who hoped to profit by times of confusion, and only waited for an opportunity to sell their services on the most advantageous terms.

He did not however so for despise public opinion as to suffer his glaring violation of the most solemn engagements to appear without justification. He notified in form the accession of Philip to the states of Europe; and in particular he addressed a private letter written with his own hand to William, whom he had duped and betrayed to the last moment, by declaring that he would abide by the treaty of partition whatever might be the disposition of the king of Spain. This artful and plausible apology contained the substance of the arguments which he advanced on this memorable occasion. He justified, bis acceptance of the will by declaring that the treaty of partition was not calculated to answer the view with which it had been concluded, the maintenance of public tranquillity. It had, he urged, been rejected by the emperor, one of the principal parties, and was scarcely approved even by those who were eager for its ratification. The english and dutch had expressed strong dissatisfaction with its general tenour, and in particular with the union of chap. Naples and Sicily to France, as highly detrimental to their commerce. If he had rejected the will, the whole succession would have instantly devolved on the archduke Charles, who was eager to accept it; and the Spaniards were so unanimously determined to oppose the dismemberment of their monarchy, that it would be necessary to extort their acquiescence by force. Hence a war must have been undertaken not only to wrest the crown from the archduke supported by the whole Spanish nation, but to secure the share of the dauphin, and to fulfil the other provisions of the treaty. The quota of ships to be supplied by the maritime powers, would not suffice for this purpose; and it was doubtful whether they would incur additional expence, or furnish a more effectual support. The treaty of partition, he added, was more advantageous for France than the acceptance of the will; and therefore he hoped, and trusted that the same good understanding would continue to subsist between him and the maritime powers, and that he should not incur blame by adhering to the spirit, rather than the letter of the treaty; because the acceptance of the will tended more to the maintenance of the general peace, and obviated that danger to the balance of power, which would have resulted from a partition.

A similar apology was at the same time addressed to the dutch, accompanied by a letter to the french embassador the count de Briord, in which the same arguments are repeated, and accompanied by suggestions calculated to raise disunion between the maritime powers and Austria.

“You will speak in the same manner to the pensionary as to the english ambassador. Shew him that, as the emperor is not engaged, there can be no security for the execution of the treaty. And truly this embarrassment would never have occurred, if the king of England and the States General had strongly pressed the emperor to sign, instead of flattering him with secret hopes that he would not be forced to comply; if they had taken more active measures towards the duke of Savoy; if they had acted with better faith in causing the princes of the north and of the empire to enter into the guaranty; finally, if they had settled in time the aids necessary for the execution of the treaty.

“But we must not yet reproach them; it will suffice to speak to the pensionary as I mark to you in this letter; and to follow the sense of the memorial. You may even shew him this paper without leaving a copy.

“You will inform the Spanish embassador at the Hague that I enjoin you to communicate the orders you have received, to him. The zeal which he has always shewn for the service of his sovereign, leaves me no reason to doubt that he will join with you and give you all the necessary information for the good of the Spanish monarchy. Assure him that I have at present nothing in view but to maintain its perfect integrity in all its parts ; communicate to him also the copy of my answer to the council of regency”

Such flimsy apologies were not however sufficient to pacify the resentment of William, nor to dissipate the alarms of both the maritime powers; lest the accession of Philip should furnish an opportunity for the usurpation of the Spanish Netherlands by France. The correspondence of William, with his friend the pensionary, displays his feeling under the impression of the moment, and shews his motives for concluding the treaties of partition, which were long considered as the reproach of his policy.

The unexpected tenor of the Spanish testament, and the foresight and promptitude of Louis, struck a temporary panic into the principal courts of Europe. In England he found a violent and clamorous faction ready to aid his views, reechoing his fallacious arguments, drowning all consideration of honour or policy with the cry of peace, and baffling all the attempts of William to rouse the people to a sense of their danger.

In Holland the dread of impending ruin excited an unanimous sentiment of indignation against France. Preparations were made for hostilities; and subsidiary alliances concluded with Denmark, the elector Palatine, and several of the german states. But Louis had too perfectly matured his schemes to give time for this spirit to acquire strength and consistence. By the connivance of the elector of Bavaria he introduced his army into the Netherlands; be surprised all the frontier fortresses, and captured 15,000 dutch troops by whom they were garrisoned in virtue of the barrier treaty with Spain. With this advantage, it was not difficult to negotiate with a rich and timid nation. The fear of an immediate invasion, and an anxiety to liberate the captured troops, extorted from the dutch government an acknowledgment of Philip as sovereign of the whole Spanish monarchy. The parliament and nation of England constrained William to follow this example.

In the midst of this universal submission, the emperor alone displayed a spirit worthy of a powerful and enlightened sovereign. Leopold was confounded at the bequest of Charles, which he confidently expected would prove in favour of the archduke Charles; but he expressed his indignation with more vehemence than seemed congenial with his character; and his resentment was rapidly communicated to his subjects, who respected his dignified feeling, and shared in his disappointment.

He issued a bold and vehement remonstrance against the usurpation of the Spanish monarchy by a french prince, and at once questioned the authenticity of the will itself, and the right of the deceased monarch to make a disposition contrary to the acknowledged claims of his family and the solemn obligation of treaties. The imperial embassador, Harrach, after presenting this protest, immediately withdrew from Madrid. The court of Vienna made vigorous preparations to bring the dispute to the test of arms. Levies took place in every part of the hereditary dominions, and ministers were dispatched to rouse the maritime powers and the princes of the empire. As Italy was considered the only theatre where Austria could contend with France on equal terms, troops were collected in the Trentin and the neighbouring districts; and emissaries sent to form an imperial party in the Milanese, to excite an insurrection in Naples, and to prepare the way for the military operations. Although these efforts foiled in their immediate effect, yet the emperor confided in their eventual success. He was encouraged also by the rising discontents in Spain, and the secret suggestions of William and the dutch ; he hoped by a bold and fortunate effort to dissipate the general alarm, and rouse the other powers of Europe to a sense of their honour and interest.

Meanwhile the internal situation of Spain began to attract the attention of the different powers who were likely to be involved in the impending conflict. Portocarrero had actively employed the interval since the accession of Philip to strengthen his influence, and disgrace those whom he either feared or disliked, under the pretext of partiality to the cause of Austria. Besides the forced retreat of the widow queen, he had induced Philip to confirm the exile of Oropesa, procured the disgrace of the grand inquisitor, deprived the admiral of Castile of his office of mayor domo mayor, iu favour of the duke of Medina Sidonia, and repulsed all his overtures for an accommodation with the new government. He transferred the different provinces to his creatures or flatterers, and particularly that of Catalonia, from the prince of Darmstadt to his nephew, the count of Palma. He urged Philip to exile many of the grandees who were obnoxious to his power, and he did not disdain to comprise in his list of proscriptions, the confessors of the late king, and of the widow queen. Lastly, he extended his system of patronage over every department, and placed his dependent ecclesiastics in situations for which their acquirements and character were totally unfit. On this subject Louville sarcastically observed to Torcy, “Remember you will have priests proposed for the presidency of Castile. We have a priest governor of Mexico, and one aged seventy, who conducts our commerce at Seville, with the success which you see. As the presidencies of the councils become vacant, priests will be proposed to fill them, and I do not despair of seeing a similar nomination to the command of armies and fleets, when we have them”

Although the accession of Philip had been unexpectedly tranquil, a spirit of opposition soon manifested itself against the new- government. While Portocarrero was giving the reins to his ambition and vengeance, the french king was employed with equal activity to consolidate arid extend his influence, by a change in the general system of administration. Under the austrian sovereigns the operations of the government had been conducted by the respective councils boards of Castile, War, Finance, the Indies, Marine, Grace, and Justice; and the chiefs of these boards formed a species of cabinet council, called the Universal Despacho. This body however was not assembled in the presence of the king; but the real organ of the sovereign will, and consequently the prime minister of Spain, if we may use the term, was the principal secretary of the Despacho, whose office was to register the result of its deliberations, submit it to the king, and announce the royal pleasure. The person who now filled this office was Ubilla, who acted so important a part in the arrangement of the late testament.

A native Spaniard, who possessed all the advantages attached to this office, under a young and inexperienced sovereign, could not fail of becoming the real spring of the government. To obviate the danger, Portocarrero and the president of Castile were admitted into the royal presence, when the secretary of the Despacho made his reports, and soon afterwards it was proposed to extend the same privilege to Harcourt, the french embassador. Louis, either confiding in the attachment of the cardinal, or willing to shew the appearance of disinterestedness, affected to decline the proposal; but his prudery was overcome by the repeated instances of Portocarrero, and the conviction, that without this expedient, no human contrivance could prevent the government from becoming purely Spanish.* In the first novelty of a new reign the whole court, and a considerable part of the nation, vied in their adulation of the french monarch. Portocarrero and Arias hailed him as the regenerator of Spain ; he was requested to repair to Madrid, and assume the administration in person; and he was respectfully informed that the air of the country would produce a salutary effect on his health, while, in the present tranquil state of Europe, he might govern France by means of messengers. The same language of servility was heard in all quarters: the inhabitants of Burgos in particular, humbly requested that he would* honour them with a visit in the spring, when their bulls were in high spirit, that they might gratify him with the national solemnity of a bull-feast-

Louis received this torrent of flattery with pleasantry, observing that the Spaniards had constituted him prime minister to his grandson. But notwithstanding his deep knowledge of human nature, and perfect acquaintance with court homage, it produced the effect of deceiving him, as well as his ministers, into the notion that he could exercise the same absolute sway in Spain as in his own kingdom. On the other hand, the sanguine expectations which the nation had formed of the wisdom, perfection, and energy, of the new government, were too extravagant to be realised; and it was the .just remark of the shrewd Louville, that even should an angel descend from Heaven to take the reins, the public hopes must be disappointed in the existing state of Spain, gangrened as it is from one extremity to the other.

The police and internal government were sunk into the most deplorable disorder. Even in the very capital itself, the neglect or incapacity of past governments had given the reins to every species of licentiousness. The palaces of the grandees, and even the churches, were become the asylum of crimes; the slightest rise in the price of provisions excited the deepest alarm; every street and square was filled with armed vagabonds, discarded domestics, people without occupation or means of subsistence; the establishments destined to maintain the respect due to royalty were sunk into a mere empty form, and all the dignity of the crown had not been sufficient to preserve the late monarch from the most mortifying insults both to his person and authority.

Similar disorder reigned in the finances. The royal revenues were absorbed by the servants of government, or the farmers and agents on whom its necessities reduced it to depend for supplies; and at the same time, the people, both in the capital and provinces, were loaded with every species of monopoly and extortion. The vast revenues of the new world were still worse administered; the viceroys and governors, after defrauding the crown and oppressing the subject, were suffered to return from their governments, and enjoy with impunity the fruit3 of their peculation and venality.

The crown was thus not only robbed of its splendour, but reduced to inconceivable penury. The same difficulties occurred in raising ten pistoles as ten thousand; the salaries of the royal household were unpaid; the pay of the troops was in constant arrears, and the royal guards were often reduced to share with mendicants the charitable donations of convents and hospitals.

Wretched as was the internal situation of Spain, the naval and military establishments were equally deplorable.

The two treaties contracted with Portugal and Savoy, which were intended to secure the throne and maintain tranquillity, were the principal causes of her ruin, from the imprudent security which they inspired. Hence both the frontiers and distant provinces were neglected. No care had been employed to fortify the frontiers of Andalusia, Valencia, and Catalonia, justly considered as the keys of the peninsula. As if there had been po prospect of war, these provinces were without garrison and magazines; the fortifications dilapidated, even the breaches which Vendome had made in the former siege of Barcelona were not repaired, and from Roses to Cadiz scarcely a single fort or castle was garrisoned or mounted with artillery. The same negligence prevailed in the ports of Galicia and Biscay; the magazines were without ammunition; the arsenals and work-shops empty; the art of constructing ships was lost; the royal navy consisted only of those armed vessels which were employed in the trade to South America, and a few galloons; six gallies, decayed with age, were anchored in the bay of Carthagena, and seven were kept in the ports of the genoese territory. The distant provinces were equally defenceless. In Naples were only six complete companies, in Sicily 500 men, scarcely 300 in Sardinia and the Balearic Isles; and in the Netherlands and Milan, the countries the best provided against an attack, were no more than 8,000 troops in the former, and 6,000. in the latter.

The militia appeared only on the muster roll, and were inexperienced and undisciplined, and the peasantry were alone obliged to provide themselves with muskets. The whole army did not exceed 20,000 men.

Thus totally ruined within, and unprovided lor war without, it was evident that the preservation of the crown must solely depend on the exertions of Louis, and the measures which were necessary to attain this object, soon dissipated the fallacious hopes inspired by the accession of a new dynasty.

To make a merit of zeal for the public service, and to supply the deficiency in the revenue, many places and offices in the royal household were suppressed by Portocarrero, and among the rest, the number of gentlemen of the bed chamber was reduced from forty-two to six. He likewise abolished various offices in the treasury, and the different tribunals and councils. But these reforms were more specious than real; for the whole saving did not amount to 200,000 crowns, while it involved numerous families in embarrassment or ruin. The reform was therefore too contracted to produce any essential utility, and too general not to alienate numbers attached by interest to the government, besides weakening the bond of union, which connected numerous branches of the inferior nobility with the throne; and the biographer of Philip justly observes; “from this period the nobles began to assume more independence, and to be less under the control of the court”.

In this career of reform, the sweeping hand of Portocarrero did not spare even the pensions which the piety of former sovereigns had granted for the subsistence of poor widows, and the maintenance of charitable institutions. To complete the series of these obnoxious defalcations, the soldiers, far from being won over to the new government by the usual graces, not only derived no benefit from the change of sovereigns, but saw even the regular payment of their scanty pittance suspended. Such impolitic parsimony damped the sanguine hopes of a people who expected that the accession of a new dynasty would be marked by a profusion of benefits, and who flattered themselves that their country would resume all its pristine splendour without sweeping away those abuses and incumbrances which had been accumulating for ages.

The pride and dignity of the Spanish nation were deeply wounded by an order which imparted to the peers of France the same rank and honours as were enjoyed by the grandees of Castile; and it required all the influence and even the threats of Philip to extort the acquiescence of his high spirited nobles in this odious measure

The dissatisfaction of the natives was aggravated by the petulance of ridicule, and by the eagerness of the french to domineer in the trivial concerns of customs, manners, and fashions; by the reform of the royal kitchen, and the introduction of french cookery ; the occasional use of the french costume, and the abrogation of many parts of the antient etiquette. The impression which these trifling innovations made on a people bigotted to their own usages, will appear from an incident which occurred during the preparations for the marriage.

Philip ordered the marquis of Villafranca, to whose department the direction of such matters belonged, to deliver to a french upholsterer the tapestry, hangings, and other ornaments used on this occasion. The rigid Spaniard did not suffer his devotion to France to outweigh his national prejudices. He refused compliance, and to the remonstrances of the upholsterer, replied “we must live in Spain, as they do in Spainand nothing but a new and positive order from the king could induce him to obey.”

The change of sovereigns led to other mischiefs, which all the vigilance of the french court was in vain exerted to prevent. On the accession of a french prince, Madrid was crowded with swarms of frenchmen, of the most despicable, and abandoned characters, who were eager to gather the fruits of the promised land. Whole tribes of harlots, swindlers, gamesters, pickpockets, and projectors, allured thither by the lucre of gain, vilified by their infamous conduct their native country, and gave new force to that odium which had hitherto operated as an insuperable barrier between the two nations.

The seeds of rebellion were diffused, and the public grievances aggravated by the fanaticism of the clergy. The priests abused the sacred office of confession to excite discontent, the french were stigmatised as heretics, those who were connected with them were accused of irreligion, and even the authority of the pope was falsely employed to give new strength to the pretensions of an austrian prince.

All these causes contributed to excite discontent in a nation wedded to antient establishments, and proud of former magnificence. But the general odium was still further aggravated by the appointment of a frenchman to the management of the finances. As Portocarrero was himself unequal to the task of new modelling the revenue, Louis, at the instigation of the council, sent Orri, a man of obscure birth, who in a subordinate branch of the finances in France had acquired a superior knowledge of political economy. He had first emerged into notice in a situation similar to that of our excisemen. He afterwards became steward to the duchess of Portsmouth, and being dismissed returned to his original situation in the excise. Possessing great acuteness and activity, he found means to render himself useful to some of the farmers general, was employed in several commissions of great delicacy, which he fulfilled to. the satisfaction of his superiors, and finally attracted the notice and obtained the patronage of the minister Chamillart. His knowledge and talents were duly appreciated, and it was hoped that his native obscurity would shield him from the jealousy of Portocarrero and the princess Orsini. He was therefore selected as a proper person to investigate the Spanish finances, and form the plan for a new system of administration. But had it been possible for any foreigner to become popular in so odious an office, the requisite qualities were not found in Orri. Though servile and officious to those on whom he depended, he was haughty and imperious to others, of an irritable and impetuous temper, and ignorant of the manners, prejudices, and feelings of the Spanish people.

The new minister proposed extensive reforms in nature and perception of the revenue, and endeavoured to model it on that of France, with a precipitancy and want of address or discretion ill calculated to conciliate the unbending firmness of the Spanish character. This abrupt attempt to lay the axe at once to the root of all abuses, gave great offence to every class of the nation; and the clamour was heightened by his plans for resuming the fiefs extorted by the nobles from the crown in times of trouble and confusion. The nobles imperiously demanded the convocation of the cortes of Castile, the only legitimate assembly which could authorise these innovations, and as an additional argument, they urged the necessity of exchanging the customary pledges between the monarch and the people, by the confirmation of the national privileges on one side, and the oath of allegiance on the other. The demand was supported by the more independent members of the cabinet; and loudly re-echoed by the people, who looked with peculiar confidence and affection to this neglected assembly. A proposal to convene a body, which had essentially curbed the royal authority, embarrassed the king and his personal friends and adherents. It was refeirer to Louis, but he prudently declined interfering, and Philip, after long deliberation, endeavoured to evade it by declaring that the journey which he was about to make to Catalonia to receive his bride, rendered it necessary to defer the convocation till after his return. But this promise tough given with all the publicity of a royal decree, scarcely sufficed to allay the national impatience.

1701.

I. WAR BETWEEN THE GRAND ALLIANCE AND FRANCE. — 2. WAR IN ITALY BETWEEN THE IMPERIALISTS AND THE FRENCH.—3. WAR IN SCANDINAVIA. 4. NAVAL WAR. 5. DEATH OF JAMES II., KING OF ENGLAND, AND HIS MILITARY CHARACTER.

ANNALS OF WAR. 1700-1815

THE WARS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

1700 A.D..

1701.

I. WAR BETWEEN THE GRAND ALLIANCE AND FRANCE. — 2. WAR IN ITALY BETWEEN THE IMPERIALISTS AND THE FRENCH.—3. WAR IN SCANDINAVIA. 4. NAVAL WAR. 5. DEATH OF JAMES II., KING OF ENGLAND, AND HIS MILITARY CHARACTER.

PEACE OF RYSWICK

Europe after the Treaty of Ryswick, c. 1700